All posts by Davi Ottenheimer

Louisiana White Supremacist Gov Passes Bill to Prevent American Black From Holding Office

Calvin Duncan spent 28 years in prison for a murder he did not commit. During those years the Orleans Parish Clerk of Criminal Court office repeatedly denied him access to the records he needed to prove his innocence. He taught himself law inside the prison. He earned a paralegal bachelor’s degree after release. He graduated from Lewis & Clark Law School at age 60. In November 2025 he won 68 percent of the vote to become Clerk of Criminal Court in the same office that had helped keep him wrongfully imprisoned. He’s an American hero.

Calvin Duncan is the founder and director of the Light of Justice program in New Orleans. Zack Smith Photography/Penguin Random House

On April 23, 2026, the Louisiana House voted 63 to 28 to dissolve the office.

Senate Bill 256 shutters the entire criminal court clerk system in a week and folds it under the Clerk of Civil Court. No election will be held for the consolidated position. Nobody in New Orleans has ever voted for an Orleans Clerk of Court. Duncan was scheduled to take office May 4.

Governor Jeff Landry is expected to sign the bill before that date. Why?

  • As Attorney General in 2018, opposed the voter referendum requiring unanimous juries for felony convictions. Louisiana’s non-unanimous jury rule came out of the 1898 constitution, designed to nullify Black juror votes.
  • As Attorney General in 2023, opposed Calvin Duncan’s petition to be compensated by the state for 28 years of wrongful imprisonment.
  • Fought the federal court order creating a second majority-Black congressional district under the Voting Rights Act. Signed SB 8 only after courts ran out the clock. His AG Liz Murrill is now in Louisiana v. Callais asking the Supreme Court to gut Section 2.
  • Pushed legislation to release juvenile offender records, targeted to the three Louisiana parishes with the highest Black populations.
  • Ran a sustained campaign against police reform in New Orleans and Baton Rouge, including moving to terminate the NOPD federal consent decree.
  • His Department of Justice created a legal fellowship named for E.D. White, the Louisiana Supreme Court justice who wrote in favor of “separate but equal” in Plessy v. Ferguson.
  • Won a federal lawsuit permanently blocking the EPA from considering race when regulating pollution in Louisiana, including in Cancer Alley. This goes right back to the Civil War continuing through 1873 Slaughterhouse pollution cases.
  • In 2016 helped craft legislation to block sanctuary cities from state bond money after New Orleans police adopted a policy preventing officers from inquiring about immigration status.
  • Called Black Lives Matter protesters “armed thugs.” Named an anti-racial-profiling policy “Hug-a-Thug.”
  • Sat on the executive committee of the Rule of Law Defense Fund, which summoned Trump supporters to the Ellipse on January 6, 2021.
  • April 2026: directed Senator Jay Morris to introduce SB 256, dissolving the Orleans Parish Clerk of Criminal Court office before Calvin Duncan could take it.

I’ll say it again, Landry opposed Duncan’s petition for wrongful-conviction compensation when Landry was Attorney General in 2023.

His successor Liz Murrill denied Duncan’s exoneration throughout the campaign, despite more than 160 legal professionals signing a public letter confirming it.

Senate author Jay Morris of West Monroe has acknowledged that Landry asked him to introduce the bill.

You have to see Landry for the piece of racist shit that he is. Look at who is systematically using state power to repeatedly attack an American Black man to hold him down based on his race alone.

Laundering in seersucker

Representative Dixon Wallace McMakin of Baton Rouge carried the bill on the House floor. He described dissolving a municipal court system as continuity through modernization. It isn’t, and that’s a specific phrase with a racist history. Typically “modernization” is the coded language for dismantling Black institutions and political power.

He cited the consolidation of the New Orleans tax assessors’ offices as precedent. It wasn’t. When Democratic Representative Delisha Boyd asked him how long that consolidation took, he said he did not know. Boyd told him the answer. Four years. This bill says it will bomb the office out in six business days, just so no Black man can have it.

Have you been to Baton Rouge?

Can you imagine a neighborhood today in Germany with all its streets named for Nazi generals? No, because the Allied occupation forced renaming. Back in America, however, its enemies are busy shoving racist propaganda onto every street corner.

Representative Denise Marcelle of Baton Rouge asked McMakin whether he would accept the governor eliminating Marcelle’s district before she could take office. He said he would be fine with it, presumably as it would keep whites in power and still block any Black from office.

McMakin acknowledged on the floor that there is no precedent for eliminating an elected office before the duly elected person can take their position. He then apologized. Not to Duncan, for being racist. To his fellow Republicans. For being called racist.

Hate holding longer than the state constitution

Louisiana is known for this.

In 1868 Oscar Dunn became Lieutenant Governor. In 1872 P.B.S. Pinchback served as acting governor. By 1898 the state had written a new constitution whose framers openly declared its purpose: eliminate Black political participation. The mechanism evolved across a century. Poll taxes. Literacy tests. Grandfather clauses. White primaries. The Voting Rights Act struck most of them down. The losing white supremacists taught their children to repeat the hate generationally.

Thus the current move is identical. A Black official wins an election by a 36-point margin. The state invents an administrative reason to eliminate the victory by declaring the seat erased. Sixty-three legislators vote for white supremacist power. The governor signs to keep hate alive.

McMakin called it modernization, because that’s a whistle to white supremacists. They are hiding records of their past crimes by committing new ones.

The archaeological detail

Duncan ran for this office because the office had wronged him. The records that would have proved his innocence sat inside the Clerk of Criminal Court’s files. He was denied access to them for years. When the Innocence Project of New Orleans finally pried the documents loose through litigation, the files showed police officers had lied in court. That is what a functioning records office is supposed to prevent and what a captured one enables.

Duncan’s victory threatened to put a man who understood the records system’s failures in charge of fixing them. The people holding racist power, who corrupted records and denied justice, preferred to dissolve the system before it could be fixed.

That is integrity breach as policy. Failure by design, like a ladder thrown down so others can’t climb the wall.

“Throwing Down the Ladder by Which They Rose.” Thomas Nast, 1870, for Harper’s Weekly, New York, New York. The “Know-Nothing Party,” a nineteenth-century nativist political party, throws down the ladder “by which they rose” in an attempt to deny entry. The hypocrisy of the descendants of immigrants denying citizenship to new immigrants is fundamental to American history.

Office, what office?

The accountability mechanism was working. Voters elected a true American reformer by a landslide. The white supremacists responded by removing the mechanism rather than accepting the accountability. Because white supremacists by definition are people who can not accept accountability.

Representative Candace Newell of New Orleans said it plainly before the vote. The rights they eliminate today are a template for the rights they eliminate tomorrow. And that has a specific history in Louisiana, with a specific “modernization” term used to enact state-level white supremacist doctrine.

Hot Bet: Terror Finance Platform (Polymarket) in French Criminal Probe for Integrity Breach

A confidentiality breach, loss of privacy, is well known since California delivered landmark legislation in 2003 called SB1386.

The amount of money that criminals made by breaching privacy was, well, criminal. And more importantly, laws changed to make platforms enabling a privacy breach illegal.

Today we have a similar crisis with integrity breaches. Polymarket is clearly and effectively organizing an explosion in criminal behavior, already rising to terrorism, by making crime pay.

In one obvious example, someone artificially heated a weather sensor at Charles de Gaulle airport to profit on a Polymarket bet about temperature.

Twice.

Polymarket is paying attackers to breach the integrity of critical infrastructure. Public loss is being platformed as private gain.

BFMTV reports that on April 6 the Météo France sensor at CDG spiked from 18°C to over 21°C around 19h, then dropped back.

That’s the integrity breach. And it matters.

A Polymarket account created two days earlier won $14,000 on a bet that the daily maximum would cross 21. On April 15 the same sensor briefly registered 22°C while the surrounding days held at 18 and 19. The contract probability moved from 0.1% to 95% in thirty minutes. That winner took over $20,000.

Météo France filed a criminal complaint with the Roissy airport gendarmerie for altération du fonctionnement d’un système de traitement automatisé de données, tampering with an automated data processing system.

I’ve warned and written about public sensor integrity breaches like this for over a decade, yet the profit platform angle makes it more alarming than ever.

The agency performed physical inspection of the instrument and analyzed the sensor data. Meteorologist Ruben Hallali told BFMTV the variations are implausible at these dates over such short durations, and that someone with good knowledge of how the sensors work would have had to intervene physically, likely with a heating device held briefly next to the instrument.

The instrument is at an international airport. The same sensor that settles a Polymarket contract feeds weather data to aircraft on departure and arrival at Charles de Gaulle. Météo France declined to say whether the tampering affected aviation telemetry. But the obvious elephant in the room is that someone could bet a lot of money about an airplane crashing and then cause it to happen.

Polymarket’s response was to silently switch the reference sensor. That’s the kind of complicit response you would expect in a privacy breach where the company at fault said they switched to a new database. just as vulnerable as before. It’s a security failure of the worst kind.

Since Sunday the Paris temperature oracle is read from Le Bourget airport instead of Charles de Gaulle.

That is NOT a fix. That is an invitation for targeting and attack of another sensor.

Polymarket CEO Coplan has pitched illegal insider information as a “cool” feature of his platform, the mechanism by which prices “discover truth.” A temperature sensor is the physical-world equivalent of such criminal intent. Someone who walks up to a Météo France instrument with a heating element becomes an insider, and the thirty-minute probability spike from 0.1% to 95% is the insider divulging corrupted, tampered, information to the market.

By Coplan’s own definition, this is the Polymarket system working as designed.

The resolution mechanism (one sensor reading tampered to make false claims for profit) is cheaper to corrupt than the underlying event (the weather over Paris measured by integrity-safe systems). Every sensor Polymarket chooses becomes a criminal attack surface, an integrity breach for profit. The platform is now underwriting physical attacks on civil aviation weather telemetry to settle criminal gambling contracts.

France banned Polymarket, for obvious reasons. The sensor in France at Charles de Gaulle was tampered with intentionally, by bettors using VPNs the platform makes no serious effort to defeat. The criminal complaint will proceed against whoever held the heat source. The platform that paid out $34,000 on tampered readings, at an airport it is not legally allowed to operate in, so far will not be investigated.

Integrity breach is the business model. Just like privacy breach used to be. before trading on stolen PII was properly treated as a crime.

Let me be clear. This is not about gambling regulation.

Polymarket is terrorism financing infrastructure.

The CEO is a criminal. France should charge him and issue an Interpol red notice. The platform he built and runs creates financial incentive for physical attacks on critical infrastructure. This sensor is inside a safety-critical system. Courts need to hear Polymarket in America not only enables global terrorism, it incentivizes and rewards it by design with zero accountability for harms.

Designated Felon: How Polymarket CEO Stays Out of Jail

Polymarket CEO tells insiders to leak. So cool, he said five months ago. Do it, for the market.

…what’s cool about Polymarket is that it creates this financial incentive for people to go and divulge the information to the market and the market to change, and all of a sudden…

Insider leak is the entire product. Harvard researchers estimate more than $143 million in Polymarket profits may be linked to individuals with access to nonpublic information. I’m surprised it’s not 100%, given the CEO statement.

And now, as you might expect, Polymarket says insiders who leak will be selectively reported to law enforcement.

Source: Twitter

Proof? Arresting the CEO would be the only acceptable proof.

The insider-leak-harvesting system is sacrificing one publicly identifiable service member, without explaining how, to preserve the Polymarket platform as a pipeline of crime. The referral is compliance theatre that protects the CEO, who is in bed with the government and will victimize again.

Inducement to crime is the business model. Selective corrupted enforcement is the margin.

An insider named Van Dyke did exactly what Coplan advertised he made Polymarket for, and was held out as the “not cool” kind of leaker once the political cost of privacy exceeded the marketing value of generating leakers to sacrifice.

How many Polymarket users will be trapped and burned so that the CEO may continue his crimes?

The resolution mechanism (who gets prosecuted) is cheaper to corrupt than the underlying event (controlling who leaks). Polymarket positions itself now as above the law, as it chooses which leakers to expose and which to hide for profit. That selection power is worth more than any individual trader’s profit, and it is apparently corrupted.

The “Eddie Murphy Rule” charge is novel and narrow. It punishes Van Dyke’s misuse of classified information. It does nothing to the platform that monetized his misuse, or to the CEO who described the misuse of classified information as a core feature of his business.

The FBI raided the Polymarket CEO’s apartment in November 2024 as part of an investigation into US users trading on the platform. Trump’s DOJ and CFTC abruptly dropped both investigations in July 2025. Then in September 2025 Polymarket bought a CFTC-registered exchange to go onshore. Talk about insiders. Coplan was on a call from Mar-a-Lago the same week as the raid. The acting Attorney General applauding “our men and women in uniform” on the Van Dyke arrest is Todd Blanche, Trump’s former personal defense attorney. The FBI Director praising the indictment is Kash Patel.

The arrest is entirely political.

The system got the wrong guy, on purpose.

Critical OPSEC integrity failure, by design.

The Van Dyke arrest is the only visible prosecution against a backdrop of total federal withdrawal, on both sides of a rigged competition the First Family is paid to sit atop like President Andrew “genocide” Jackson would have wanted.

President Jackson was one of the most, if not the most unjust, immoral and corrupt men in American history.

Donald Trump Jr. is a paid advisor to both Polymarket and Kalshi, the two largest prediction markets competing for the same regulatory carve-out. At an April House Agriculture Committee hearing, Representative Jim McGovern asked CFTC Chair Mike Selig whether the White House had pressured CFTC to drop its Polymarket probe. Selig refused to answer. Selig also runs a CFTC with one commissioner out of five, a quarter of its staff cut, and a public admission that AI is covering the enforcement gap. On April 2, that same CFTC joined DOJ in suing Arizona, Connecticut, and Illinois to block state enforcement against prediction markets. One of the DOJ attorneys on the case is Yaakov Roth, who represented Kalshi in the 2023 lawsuit that opened the door for these platforms in the first place. Blanche meanwhile issued his “cease cryptocurrency enforcement” memo while still holding between $159,000 and $485,000 in crypto, despite an ethics pledge not to act on matters affecting those holdings. He divested after.

In case you like historical parallels

Year Case Sacrificed Protected
1720 South Sea Bubble Company directors Court and ministry (Walpole, “the Screen”)
1872 Crédit Mobilier Two censured congressmen Railroad directors, federal subsidy pipeline
1875 Whiskey Ring Treasury clerks Orville Babcock, Grant
1921–24 Teapot Dome Albert Fall Harry Daugherty, Harding cabinet
1986–87 Iran-Contra Oliver North Reagan, CIA chain of command
1995–96 Loans-for-shares Russian public assets Yeltsin family, seven bankers
2026 Polymarket Gannon Van Dyke Shayne Coplan, Trump family

Anthropic Says Claude Scores Itself Best Claude

There’s something very strange going on at Anthropic. Day after day I see evidence of what can only be described as what I used to study in the Cold War: closed systems of cooked intelligence.

When people or companies intentionally make false claims about the work they’re doing or the products they’re selling, we call it fraud. What is it when one overlooks LLM mistakes?

An integrity breach I just stumbled upon might be the most egregious so far.

Anthropic published an economics paper on April 22, 2026 called What 81,000 people told us about the economics of AI. Right away my suspicion went up, because it’s framed as “told us” rather than what was said, or what is known. Story telling. Like a “once upon a time” yarn, instead of a report, is a disinformation tell.

Lead author Maxim Massenkoff, coauthor Saffron Huang. Who? Anthropic staff. Second tell. I’m not seeing independence, yet this is supposedly about what people say about Anthropic. “Everyone says they love us”. Uh-huh.

The findings are positioned oddly as well. That’s a third tell and I’m barely getting started. What is going on here? The vendor wants the public to believe something, which is usually called marketing. Users feel empowered. Productivity gains are real. Job-displacement anxiety correlates with usage intensity in exactly the way Anthropic’s own task-exposure measure predicts.

The architecture of this economics paper is shockingly awful. Fourth tell. At this point, might as well just say we’re up to our eyeballs in ethics issues.

Respondents are self-selected Claude.ai personal-account users who chose to answer a survey. The survey runs inside Claude.ai through an in-product tool called Anthropic Interviewer, built by Grace Yun, AJ Alt, and Thomas Millar. Occupation labels come from Claude inferring from free-form text. Career stage comes from Claude inferring from free-form text. The productivity rating is Claude reading the respondent’s own words and scoring them on a 1-to-7 scale. Job-threat concern is Claude reading the same words and coding them as present or absent.

The analysis? Internal.

The review? Internal.

A subject group talking to the product, about the product, scored by the product, reported by the product.

What is it about closed, controlled, cold environments that keep showing up at Anthropic like this? Would it have bothered them so much to open it up?

Missing Reviewers

The same lead author a month ago also published a different paper. March 5, 2026. Labor market impacts of AI: A new measure and early evidence. Coauthor Peter McCrory. Notably, that paper thanked Martha Gimbel at the Yale Budget Lab, Anders Humlum at Chicago Booth, Evan Rose, and Nathan Wilmers at MIT Sloan for feedback on earlier versions. That reads normal to me.

Four external labor scholars working in exactly the relevant field. Credentialed, independent, field-adjacent.

The April 22 piece drops everyone. The external-feedback slot goes to Miriam Chaum, Ankur Rathi, Santi Ruiz, and David Saunders.

Four Anthropic insiders. Santi Ruiz announced joining Anthropic’s editorial team roughly three weeks before publication, leading their economics and policy editorial work and working with the new Anthropic Institute (his own LinkedIn post). David Saunders already appears in the March labor-market-impacts paper’s Anthropic-internal acknowledgments list. Miriam Chaum and Ankur Rathi appear in the March Economic Index “Learning curves” report’s internal list. Three of the four were thanked as internal staff one month earlier. Ruiz was still a journalist then. By the time the paper shipped, he was leading Anthropic’s economics editorial work. First Anthropic byline acknowledgment: this paper. In April they got moved to a separate “Additionally, we thank” paragraph that visually mirrors an external-review slot. Same people, same company, different paragraph. This is deliberate staging.

Economists? Zero.

Independent field expertise? Zero.

Same team. Same topic. Same lead author. One month later, the external review present in March is mysteriously absent in April.

Why?

Let me tell you. Humlum’s own published finding contradicts the April narrative. Anders Humlum (March acknowledgments, dropped from April) published in February 2026 with Emilie Vestergaard: a Denmark-wide linked employer-employee study, 25,000 workers, finding “no significant changes in earnings or hours worked, with confidence intervals ruling out even small effects.”

The actual labor economist in the March thank-you list produced the exact finding the April paper needed to suppress. One month later he was off the list and his findings were being contradicted by Anthropic, cooking a fairy tale.

That shows a pretty clear and concrete motive.

Tilt! Tilt!

This game is tilted. Stop the pinballs. Every decision in the study tilts one direction. The entire thing only passes favorable findings. Have a look for yourself.

Stage Choice Tilt
Recruit Claude.ai personal-account users who opted in Satisfied users overrepresented
Instrument Anthropic Interviewer, inside Claude.ai Subject evaluates the product while using it
Occupation label 61% missing, 28% Claude guessed, 11% explicit Figure 1 rests on Claude’s guesses
Career stage About half the sample gets no career-stage label; the rest are Claude’s inference. Half the N is manufactured
Productivity rating Claude scores free text on 1-to-7 Interviewer grading its own interview
Scale calibration Rebuilt after original Likert yielded almost entirely 6s and 7s Ceiling effect hidden inside a wider range
Scale anchor A 2x speedup scores 5 of 7, “substantially more productive” Positive range starts at a doubling
Productivity denominator 42 percent dropped for “no clear indication” Reported mean conditional on positive disclosure
Beneficiary finding About 25 percent of the sample named a recipient at all “Benefits flow to self” headline is roughly 18 percent of total N
Review Internal only Classifier, scale, pipeline all unchecked

Each step is maybe something to discuss on its own without noticing the whole. The caveats section lists most of them. A negative finding would have to clear self-selection, then Claude’s inference, then a recalibrated scale, then internal review with no outside economist in the room. That seems like a rather convenient filter by construction.

Sudden Scale Replacement

Footnote 3 admits the productivity scale was rebuilt. The original Likert “yielded almost entirely 6s and 7s.” The authors then reparameterized the 1-to-7 range so that 2 means “no change,” 5 means “substantially more productive,” and 7 means “transformatively more productive.” Under the new anchor, a two-hour task compressed to one hour earns a 5. A doubling of throughput scores the middle of the positive range, with two further steps of intensity above it before the ceiling.

Call it a rescaling. The ceiling effect stays. It is hidden inside a wider scoring interval.

Punch the Confusion Button

The deeper error here actually is epistemological. The lead author has a background in creating a classroom confusion button: students press it during lecture when they are confused, the instructor reads the heat map and adjusts pacing.

That is a shockingly bad design, at least fifty years out of date.

A button obviously captures a single instant, a press. The cognition it claims to measure is instead a thing of trajectory. Confusion at second N that resolves at N plus three through the next sentence registers incorrectly as a press. Confusion still beneath the student’s awareness, the kind that surfaces later on the problem set or the midterm, stays invisible to the instrument. Mid-processing uncertainty, the state where a claim sits in working memory and the student is still checking it against prior knowledge, gets forced to premature resolution at the button.

Bjork’s desirable-difficulties literature has argued for decades that exactly this productive confusion is where learning happens. I’ll say it again, the state of confusion is the learning. The button punishes it instead. Nisbett and Wilson settled the broader problem in 1977. Subjects have limited introspective access to their own cognitive processes. Self-report instruments designed around button-presses and scalar ratings produce artifacts of the instrument, falsely standing in for the cognition they claim to measure.

It’s basically the foundation of disinformation, a lie looking for a greater story to tell. Saying how many confusion buttons were pressed in a period is pretending to be about learning, but it’s actually about the obstruction of it. Would students have been less confused had they waited to press the button? Would the rate of confusion go down the less a button is pressed?

The 81,000-user study carries the same error into labor economics. Rate your productivity gain on a 1-to-7 scale flattens a cognitive trajectory to a scalar, captured at a moment when the subject is talking to the product under evaluation, scored by the product itself.

Confusion-button logic scaled to the labor market is reporting productivity when it’s obstructing it.

Better instruments exist. Post-task think-aloud protocols. Delayed retrieval tests. Longitudinal productivity panels anchored in objective task output. Slower, harder, more expensive, resistant to the headline finding. They don’t seem like the sort of thing Anthropic would allow.

Integrity Breach

The stated commitments to rigor, transparency, external feedback, and caveats are decoupled from this paper.

Right?

I mean I could understand a product manager writing a product marketing paper that called the product the best shit in town.

But this is supposedly a trained academic, an economist? What? With a PhD?

A closed pipeline. A classifier scoring its own classifier. A scale recalibrated to spread a ceiling effect across a wider axis. External reviewers present in one paper and gone from the next. The footnotes acknowledge each problem in turn. The headline numbers treat the footnotes as cosmetic.

A Berkeley PhD with a Steven Pinker coauthorship knows what a self-selection bias is. A team with access to four outside labor scholars one month earlier knows what external review looks like. The decisions that shaped the April 22 piece read as deliberate. The work was shipped with full awareness of what the design would produce.

Anthropic owns the subject pool, the instrument, the classifier, the scale, the analysis, the review, the distribution channel, and the language in which the finding gets repeated to policymakers and journalists.

The vendor is the source, the scribe, and the arbiter.

This is some seriously disappointing writing.

The paper does not report what 81,000 people told Anthropic about the economics of AI. It reports what Anthropic’s product told Anthropic about itself, at a moment when the vendor needed that story to pump value.