The British understood in 1942 that the way to win a war against a propaganda state was radical transparency about your own costs. Openly admitting defeats told the enemy’s population that you were confident enough in the outcome to tell the truth.

As I wrote in 2021, the BBC made a deliberate decision to broadcast detailed reports of Allied military defeats to German audiences. An academic trawl of the corporation’s archives revealed the strategy:

While the Nazi regime used puppet broadcasters such as William Joyce — nicknamed Lord Haw-Haw — to spin messages of German invincibility, the BBC was choosing to broadcast detailed news of Britain’s military setbacks.

The logic was structural. If the Allies could openly admit defeats, German listeners concluded they must be extremely confident of eventual victory. The BBC called itself “The Fourth Arm” of warfare. Tales of invincibility project weakness. Confidence comes through when talking openly about losses.

The Trump administration is running the opposite play, dismissive of history. The evidence is piling up that it’s for exactly the reason the BBC understood.

Propaganda Podium

On Wednesday, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth stood at the Pentagon podium and told reporters that when casualties are reported, “the press only wants to make the president look bad.” He said it out loud. The man running a war told the country’s journalists to stop documenting dead soldiers.

This was not a slip. Hegseth replaced the Pentagon’s independent press corps last fall with a right-wing roster that CNN described as giving him “kid-glove treatment” from front-row seats. Six military beat reporters, granted anonymity, told CNN the information environment is unprecedented. One summarized: “Lots of chest-thumping, less concrete data.” Another said that in ordinary wartime, the press gets detailed operational briefings once or twice a day. Now:

These days, they put a random tweet or video out with details, with no way for journalists to follow up.

CENTCOM’s casualty accounting tells the same story. On day one, the official line was “no casualties.” That was revised to three dead, then six, as bodies were recovered and wounded died. CENTCOM repeatedly withheld the specific bases, units, and circumstances — citing “operational security” — while omitting locations for recovered remains from its public posts. The Washington Post revealed the six killed were in a tactical operations center in Kuwait that “offered little protection from overhead strikes.” A force protection failure the Pentagon had no interest in publicizing.

Trump told reporters Iran has “no navy, air force, air detection, or radar.” Hegseth declared the US and Israel would achieve “complete control of Iranian skies” within days. This is the Lord Haw-Haw play, not the Fourth Arm play. It projects the thing it’s trying to hide.

Censorship as Coverage

The conflict is widening into its second week across at least twelve countries. Iran has launched strikes against 27 bases where US troops are deployed. The damage is confused, while real and documented:

The US embassy in Kuwait was struck and closed indefinitely. Two Iranian Su-24 bombers nearly reached Al Udeid — the largest US base in the Middle East — before Qatari F-15s shot them down. Kuwait’s military accidentally downed three American F-15Es in a friendly fire incident. Amazon’s cloud data centers in Bahrain and the UAE were hit and remain offline. A Shahed drone struck the runway at Britain’s RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus — EU territory — prompting the evacuation of the surrounding village and protests in Limassol with chants of “British bases out.” Cyprus refused to rule out renegotiating the status of UK bases on the island.

An IRGC general declared that since the UK allowed American aircraft to use Akrotiri, Iran would “launch missiles at Cyprus with such intensity that the Americans will be forced to leave the island.” By March 5, Italy, the Netherlands, and Spain were sending warships to defend Cyprus. Europe is being dragged into the conflict whether it wants to be or not.

Iranian drones struck Nakhchivan International Airport in Azerbaijan on March 5, hitting the terminal building. A second drone landed near a school. President Aliyev called it “a terrorist act,” summoned the Iranian ambassador, ordered the army to full combat readiness, and withdrew Azerbaijan’s diplomats from Iran. Nakhchivan sits on the US-brokered “Trump Route” corridor that Iran has long opposed. Turkey condemned the strike. Iran denied responsibility and suggested an Israeli false flag even while an IRGC-linked Telegram channel claimed responsibility.

Reporting is needed more now than ever, as censorship denies the kind of transparency and clarity needed to contain war.

Hormuz is Just Math

The Strait of Hormuz is effectively closed. Kpler, the commodity intelligence firm, puts it plainly:

Insurance withdrawal is doing the work that physical blockade has not — the outcome for cargo flow is largely the same.

Tanker traffic dropped to approximately zero. Over 150 ships anchored outside the strait. Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd suspended transits, rerouting via the Cape of Good Hope at roughly $1 million extra per voyage. Oil past $91 a barrel. Houthi-controlled Yemen resumed attacks on Red Sea shipping, closing the Suez alternative too.

But the less-reported catastrophe is fertilizer ship threats. About 33% of the world’s fertilizers — including sulfur and ammonia — transit the Strait. QatarEnergy halted urea and ammonia production at Ras Laffan, the world’s largest LNG and industrial complex. Urea prices up 27%. Ammonia up 16%. This is hitting at the worst possible moment: Northern Hemisphere spring planting, when nitrogen fertilizer demand peaks, with no strategic stockpile to buffer the shortfall. As The Conversation noted:

If the 20th century taught policymakers to fear oil embargoes, the 21st should teach them to fear a fertiliser shock.

Meanwhile, more than 400,000 metric tons of Indian basmati rice sit stuck at ports. The US economy lost 92,000 jobs in February. Unemployment at 4.4%.

No Theory of Victory

Trump said there are “no time limits” on the war. Hegseth said it “has only just begun.” The stated objective is regime change, which is the same failed objective that produced a decade-long quagmire in Iraq, which ended up being the single greatest strategic gift Iran received in the modern era. Hegseth from the podium:

No stupid rules of engagement, no nation building quagmire, no democracy building exercise, no politically correct wars. We fight to win and we don’t waste time or lives.

Chatham House called this an absence of real strategy:

…wholly predicated on the untested proposition that the Iranian people will quickly rise up — a huge gamble.

As a historian, let me just point out the test would likely reaffirm the colonial-era lessons, that “rise up” doesn’t happen until self-defeating conflicting ethnic divisions are artificially injected. The whole rise-up strategy of WWI was a bust. The Arab Revolt was used as a template and required externally manufactured fractures to ignite, and then it produced Sykes-Picot betrayal rather than liberation.

Reagan ran the same military intelligence play in Afghanistan with the Mujaheddin, promising divine invincibility for religious extremists he fraudulently linked to “our founding fathers.” It created the fanatical and ruthless Taliban who kicked America out.

Promise a population invincibility through belief, use them as instruments of regime change, then abandon them to the consequences. It reads like the explosion of MAGA complaints about Trump in office versus his campaign promises, let alone court cases filed against promises made by Trump University, Trump Vodka, Trump Airline, Trump Casinos, Trump Steak….

The Pentagon’s own sources told Congress there was no intelligence suggesting Iran was planning to attack US forces first. Some senior White House advisers opposed direct action, arguing it would be preferable for Israel to strike first so Iranian retaliation would provide retroactive justification. And now? Even Trump can’t seem to explain why Trump cancelled negotiations to start an unprovoked war.

Iran’s ballistic missile launches and drone attacks are down dramatically. Real capability has been degraded by constant American bombing, just like we saw in the Korean, Vietnam and Afghanistan wars. Yet Iran’s outsized threat to the region has never been about a match in direct firepower or speed. It’s an asymmetric minefield that plans to persevere like every place American unilateral force projection failed, keep the Strait closed, keep drones entering Gulf bases, keep widening the conflict into dozens of countries like Cyprus and Azerbaijan and Lebanon, and let the economic math please the Chinese while the Pentagon tells Americans everything is fine.

The Fourth Arm or Haw-Haw

The disaster here isn’t just Iran’s internet blackout over its own population.

It’s Hegseth standing at a podium built by decades of American press freedom tradition, using it to tell reporters they’re the enemy for recognizing and investigating six dead American soldiers. They didn’t need to die, and silence about the reasons why only means less respect not more.

It’s CENTCOM releasing chest-thumping meme video montages while withholding where and how Americans died, let alone why America double-tapped nearly two hundred Iranian children — a war-crime death toll that has tripled in three days and is still climbing.

It’s credentialing sycophants and excluding the reporters whose questions the American public is entitled to hear answered.

On the flip side of truth telling are all the spin stories like the giant fiction of Rommel being anything but an impatient selfish hack who took a poison pill to prove he remained loyal to Hitler’s lies. Rommel literally said the coming occupation wouldn’t suit him. These liars went to the grave rather than try to live a truth.

On January 4, 1946 Lord Haw-Haw was executed for treason.

Paul Ferdonnet, France’s equivalent Nazi spin broadcaster, met the same fate.

The BBC wasn’t just reporting, it was running a deliberate psychological warfare operation through transparency.

Hard truths won World War II, and history remembers who spoke it boldly versus who performed endless invincibility while the walls very slowly closed in.

The World Health Organization has verified 13 attacks on healthcare facilities in Iran since February 28. Four healthcare workers dead. Twenty-five injured. Four ambulances hit. The Iranian Red Crescent reports 13 medical facilities and nine Red Crescent centres damaged or destroyed. The Valiasr Burn Hospital — a facility that treats people with the injuries this war is producing — has been rendered inoperable.

U.S. Central Command’s official statement:

We have never — and will never — target civilians.

Both statements are true simultaneously.

And that’s the point, for Hegseth.

The Mechanism

The hospitals aren’t hit by accident. They’re hit by architecture. Gandhi Hospital in Tehran was damaged when Israeli strikes hit the state television buildings and communications antenna next door. The actual target was infrastructure. Gaza observers will note the pattern of Israel saying children aren’t being targeted, and there certainly isn’t an extermination plan, while also rapid increases in dead are from drones that chase children until they are hit in the head.

Former Dutch army commander Mart de Kruif said the sheer number of children shot in the head or chest made the claim of “accidents” implausible. “This is not collateral damage. It is intentional,” he said.

The Tehran hospital was in the blast radius. Khatam al-Anbiya, Motahari, and Valiasr are all in the same neighborhood as the Iranian police headquarters, which was the stated target.

So CENTCOM can say it doesn’t target hospitals. It targets the buildings next to hospitals, with weapons whose blast radius includes hospitals, in a campaign whose rules of engagement are in Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s own words:

…designed to unleash American power, not shackle it.

The shackles he’s describing are the Geneva Conventions.

• Distinction
• Proportionality
• Precaution

That’s the legal architecture the United States built, championed, and taught the world to depend on it for stability and predictability. Hegseth now calls stability a “tepid legality” while he commits random and obvious war crimes. He frames the laws of armed conflict as purely political.

A girls’ school in Minab is bombed by America, scared children killed while waiting together to be picked up and taken home to be safe. 175 dead. The U.S. keeps bombing, and says its 24/7 pinpoint precision experts are “investigating.” Israel, the most advanced surveillance apparatus in the world, says it’s not aware of any strikes in that area.

The school is still rubble.

Your Doctor, Your Bodyguard, Your Chef

The United States drafted the Geneva Conventions and created the United Nations Charter. It wrote the War Powers Act. It built NATO on the premise that collective security replaces unilateral aggression. It designed the rules-based international order and marketed it as civilization’s greatest achievement because it is the thing that separated the postwar world of diplomacy from the ruthless war mongering empires that came before.

Every one of these instruments is now being violated by America, operated by the people entrusted to maintain them. Imagine the mob-busting NYC Mayor LaGuardia leaving office and the mob taking control of Gotham’s police to enact revenge.

The Senate voted down its own War Powers authority. The House failed 212-219. The UN Security Council convenes in emergency session and the country with the veto is the country doing the bombing. The ICRC visits the damage sites and issues statements. The WHO verifies and counts. None of it changes the operational tempo, because every accountability mechanism was designed on the assumption that the architect of the system would not be the aggressor. The antibodies recognize the attacker as self.

This is the doctor who kills his own patients. The parent who starves her own child. The bodyguard who punches his own client. The protective relationship is the attack vector.

The patient doesn’t suspect the doctor — not because the patient is naive, but because suspicion would make the relationship impossible. You cannot receive medical care while simultaneously defending yourself against the physician. The dependency is the vulnerability. The care relationship requires surrender, and the surrender is what makes the killing possible.

That’s what distinguishes this from ordinary imperial aggression. When a foreign power attacks you, you know you’re under attack. You can resist, flee, organize, appeal to allies. The relationship is legible. Enemy is enemy. But when the protector attacks, the victim’s first instinct is to seek more protection — from the same source.

Gulf states are getting hit by Iranian retaliation from a war launched from their territory. Their response is to request more American interceptors. Countries whose security depends on U.S. alliance commitments are watching the U.S. shred international law. Their response is to reaffirm the alliance. Congress gets bypassed on war powers. The institutional response is to hold a vote they know will fail, then proceed to other business.

The patient being harmed by the doctor asks the doctor for more medicine.

The Monroe Inversion

The Monroe Doctrine, as articulated in 1823, was defense of less powerful states against more powerful ones. The newly independent republics of the Western Hemisphere asserting that the era of European colonial reconquest was over. Monroe’s message to Congress was a warning to aggressive war mongering imperial powers: stay out. The United States was positioning itself alongside those states against colonial aggressors, to end the bully threats.

Now look at the current map.

• Venezuela — a huge military raid wiping out infrastructure for millions, costing billions, just to arrest one man, a sitting head of state.
• Iran — a massive air campaign to repeatedly assassinate leadership into a complete vacuum and destroy infrastructure, with a Trump puppet appointment as the stated objective.
• And Trump told an Inter Miami crowd at the White House on Thursday that Cuba is next, “just a question of time.” So, Cuba — an economic blockade explicitly designed to starve a population into regime change, what the New York Times called “the United States’ first effective blockade since the Cuban Missile Crisis.”

A distant American military dictatorship using overwhelming force to take over and set the internal governance of sovereign states.

That is structurally identical to what Monroe had aimed to prevent. The Spanish crown was sending armadas to recapture its colonies, France was installing Maximilian in Mexico, the Holy Alliance was asserting the right to reimpose order on states that had chosen self-governance.

The United States now has been taken over by the very thing that it had defined itself against. And it’s using the institutions it built for defense, as the instruments of attack. To be fair, it’s been said in America forever that a standing military, as opposed to a volunteer one, would have this exact danger.

Munchausen

Munchausen by proxy: the caretaker creates the illness, manages the treatment, receives praise for the caregiving, and the patient never gets better because getting better was never the point. A simpler explanation is the mob on Long Island tells the restaurant owner to pay a protection fee or there will be big problems tomorrow. The point is the Trump relationship of harmful dependency — because dependency is where the abuse of control lives.

The United States built an international order that required countries to disarm their independent foreign policies, reduce their defense spending, structure their economies around American-guaranteed trade routes, and embed themselves in American-designed institutions.

It was a premise of protection, like the concept of a police department for a city, which created the vulnerability now being exploited by overtly corrupt and cruel cops.

When someone from outside — China, the UN special rapporteur, the ICRC — points at the bruises, the institutional response is the pathological family system: close ranks, deny, reframe. “We have never — and will never — target civilians.” “The protection of civilians is of utmost importance.” The language of care delivered in the act of harm. The doctor’s bedside manner while adjusting the dosage upward.

Hegseth said this week:

This was never meant to be a fair fight, and it is not a fair fight. We are punching them when they’re down, which is exactly how it should be.

The Valiasr Burn Hospital is inoperable.

The school in Minab is rubble.

Hundreds of children dead.

The WHO is counting. The world is watching patients killed by their own doctor after asking for more medicine.