In 1959, Charles Mingus boldly wrote a song that spoke truth to power.

“Fables of Faubus” called out Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus directly. The sitting governor had ordered the National Guard to block nine Black teenagers from entering Little Rock Central High School. Faubus weaponized American protections to attack the most vulnerable.

Mingus didn’t deal in abstraction. He pointed at the man and showed everyone how to laugh.

Columbia Records recorded the song. Then they strategically stripped out the lyrics and released only the instrumental version. The music was deemed fine as culturally prestigious, commercially viable, safely ambiguous. The words were called a problem. Mingus himself said it plainly:

Columbia wouldn’t let them record the lyrics.

The motive was protecting Columbia revenue in Southern markets. A corporation understood exactly what the song meant, wanted to profit from its reputation as protest art, while it surgically removed the part that actually protested.

The vocal version came out a year later on Candid Records, produced by Nat Hentoff, who remembered the lyrics as “natural as sunlight.” The controversy never was in the content. The distribution system manufactured the crisis.

Name Me Someone Ridiculous

The Candid recording is a call-and-response between Mingus and drummer Dannie Richmond. Mingus calls and Richmond responds with names.

Oh Lord, no more swastikas!
Oh Lord, no more Ku Klux Klan!

Name me someone ridiculous, Dannie.
Governor Faubus.
Why is he sick and ridiculous?
He won’t permit integrated schools.
Then he’s a fool.

Boo! Nazi fascist supremacists. Boo Ku Klux Klan!

Mingus drew an obvious fascism parallel explicitly.

This was 1959. This was not retrospective analysis, not as rhetorical flourish. This was a man at the top of his game, a world famous musician, calling out real-time pattern recognition. Swastikas and Klan hoods in the same breath, because he understood they are the same operation switching between different uniforms.

Louis Armstrong already broke this ground two years earlier. He had told a reporter that Eisenhower was “two faced” with “no guts,” and described Faubus with an expletive too strong to print. The reporter and Armstrong negotiated a sanitized version of “uneducated plow boy”, which became a phrase the reporter later admitted was more his than Armstrong’s.

Even the act of speaking a truth in America required editorial negotiation about how much truth the weak white nationalist infrastructure could bear.

Mingus took it further. The system pushed back harder.

Arkansas to This Day

The thing about Arkansas is they still haven’t dismantled what Faubus stood for and built. The KKK has continued to be coated and rebranded, the Nazis embraced and extended. The state that deployed National Guard troops to stop kids going to school now deploys its legislature against the same populations with the same confidence that institutions will protect the operation.

Nazis and Klan freely roam without a care. It’s less that they had to seize power of state institutions, and more that they know government institutions reward their predatory incompetence. Arkansas isn’t about an extremism problem, when it runs a governance model for national socialism to be the product.

Faubus stood as a proof of concept. The template he established was the use of existing state infrastructure to enforce exclusion, force the federal government to either intervene or be complicit, and face no personal consequences either way. It remains the operating manual.

The man served six terms as governor. Six. After deploying the military against children. The system didn’t punish him. It promoted him.

If he were alive today he’d be the guy who denies the request for American hero Jesse Jackson to lie in honor in the Capitol.

The Competent Complicity of Curation

Columbia’s editorial operation on “Fables” is a precision instrument worth examining. Rather than silence Mingus, which would generate more protest material, they curated him into erasure. They kept his music to signal cultural seriousness and sold records, offering fans the bones while removing all the meat. The instrumental version let white liberal audiences feel something without the urge to do anything. It was consumption without reality of confrontation.

This editorial selection is competent complicity. The people making final cut decisions understood music, understood politics, understood exactly what they were doing. They weren’t accidental. They were serving a role in protecting, enabling and extending the white nationalist dominated market.

Hentoff’s Candid Records operated differently. It was total creative freedom, no editorial interference. The result was a recording where the lyrics landed with their full weight. Two labels, two systems, two outcomes from the same source material based on which one practiced integrity instead of complicity.

Rotary Perception

Mingus had a concept he called “rotary perception”. He said musical beats exist inside a circle, like target practice using birdshot, rather than on a line, giving musicians freedom to place notes anywhere inside that space without losing the underlying pulse.

Mingus described a centroid with acceptable variance. The beat is the mean, the circle is the confidence interval, and the notes are data points that can land anywhere within the distribution without losing the underlying signal. That’s a scatter plot with a cluster around a central tendency.

He developed it partly in response to critics who claimed younger musicians were more innovative than him. His counter argument was the “avant garde” already was audible in Charlie Parker and Duke Ellington, when you really were paying attention.

The concept applies well beyond music. What gets marketed as unprecedented almost never is. The patterns repeat. The refusal to recognize them is the product, not the problem. Mingus was saying in 1959 what the historical record has been saying for centuries. The thing you’re watching happen also happened before, that someone documented it, and that the failure to learn from it serves specific interests.

He was a historian’s musician.

Arkansas deploying state power against Black schoolchildren in 1957? It was a rotation. Trump loyalists protecting and rewarding that deployment in 2026 aren’t new either. It’s the same beat, played at a different point in the same racist circle.

Mingus saw it. He named it. And then Columbia cut the meat off and sold the bones anyway.

Some things rotate. Some things don’t change at all.