The history is tied to a child’s lie about being held in a basement. His father went to the police and they immediately rushed to start killing Jews, including Holocaust survivors.

…instead of protecting the people inside the house, militia members and soldiers shot at the Jews inside and dragged others out to where the crowd could beat them, sometimes to death. Men and women were thrown from second-floor balconies.

“The soldiers started shooting, but not at the attackers, at us,” Chil Alpert, who survived the pogrom, later testified. “The soldiers shot at our windows. Inside the house, the military murdered the Jews. They initially shot through the doors, then forced their way in, shooting at people, throwing the victims into the crowd where they were beaten to death.”

The massacre was triggered by a young boy who fabricated a story to avoid getting into trouble. Henryk Blaszczyk, who was either eight or nine at the time, had visited another village near Kielce but didn’t tell his parents and was gone for two days. His parents reported him missing.

To avoid getting into trouble, Blaszczyk said he had been lured into a trap by a Jew and held captive in a basement with other Polish children.

After his father reported the incident at the nearest police station, the boy went on a walk with police officers and identified a Jewish man, a resident of the house on Planty Street, as the alleged kidnapper. The child even pointed out the “Jewish House” as the place he was held captive, although later it became clear that could not have been true. The house does not have a basement.

The house had no basement.

You have to wonder about how an eight year old Polish child’s parents had raised him during the war, such that just 14 months after Nazi Germany was defeated, he’s confidently making up stories to kill all the Jews.

Poland to this day resists admitting their hands-on role in the Holocaust and pogroms after.

Krakow historian Julian Kwiek documented approximately 1,100 murders of Jews between 1944 and the end of 1947. “Violence against Jews was a widespread phenomenon,” Kwiek writes in his book “We Don’t Want Jews in Our Place. Hostility Towards Jews in 1944-1947.”

Polish cultural anthropologist Joanna Tokarska-Bakir says that the “blood libel” myth was revived after World War II and that this was a major cause of the various pogroms. But, she adds, disputes over property were also a driver of antipathy towards Jews, who returned home after the war and wanted their houses and apartments back.

It’s worth remembering that the “Pizzagate” conspiracy in America was this same narrative, about “the basement of a pizza place in Washington DC“.

The earliest of these tweets, which was on November 8th, came from an account with the handle: Calvin Chambers. It also tagged Conservative Fox media personalities, Sean Hannity and Lou Dobbs.

No, this is not The Onion.

Pope Serving as ‘Chinese Communist Agent’ by Criticizing AI, Says Tech Billionaire Peter Thiel

Thiel in the past has also speculated that AI critics are doing the bidding of the Antichrist.

The self-proclaimed ACTS 17 preacher, Thiel appears to be calling any and all critics of AI, and data centers, a threat to America. Even the Pope isn’t safe from the Thiel propaganda machine.

Notably, white South Africans during apartheid would call Blacks agents of Communist China or Russia to get American support in murdering them for being Godless non-whites. And the “agent” part was used specifically to delegitimize Blacks, as a claim they weren’t able to think independently.

So, it’s not entirely surprising to see a South African-raised Thiel saying and doing what his father told him to say and do.

I see people pathologizing the CEO of Palantir in order to avoid addressing the things he’s saying. That’s a mistake. He says he’s not on drugs. He says he’s not the angry one. I say none of that matters. It’s more important right now to talk about what he is talking about, instead of being distracted by his character (as atrocious as it may be).

• Alex Karp says: public discourse is a lie, only private conversations reveal truth.
• Alex Karp also says: his customers love Palantir and Israel is great.

But wait, his self-canceling contradictions get even worse than that.

• Alex Karp says: American corporate leaders are smart and wise and do the best things.
• Alex Karp also says: the American corporate leaders running frontier AI labs oversell doom, rob every Fortune 500 company of its weights and alpha, and push a wealth tax that punishes the rich without helping the poor.

I wish I had been in the room because I would have absolutely DESTROYED him on these philosophical disasters.

Let’s start with the fact that his sales pitch was three very sober points.

1. First, attack the frontier lab business model: he accused frontier AI labs of an “effing insane” business model that leaves enterprises paying escalating token costs for limited value while risking their proprietary data, calling the pricing a “wealth tax” on businesses.
2. Second, frame it as national security: “Are we really going to outsource the battlefield of this country to the consensus view in Silicon Valley?”
3. Third, present the solution he’s selling: “control over their compute, their models, their data stack, and their alpha”, which is precisely what the Nvidia deal packages.

Karp claimed that other CEOs will privately share their fury but won’t do it on the record, so he believes he becomes the one figure everyone can discount:

it gets outsourced to the neurodivergent, crazy person that apparently is on drugs

Point taken. I’m fine with looking at what he’s saying, without any focus on who says them. Take the first claim.

The accusation is that frontier labs will “get no value, and they’re going to get my IP”. Palantir’s actual product does that by design you f$%@ng hypocritical goose. Sorry, forgot the rule for a second there. Nevermind who said this. Once your business model is encoded in Palantir’s Ontology, once your team is trained to think in Palantir’s vocabulary, once your Object Types aren’t standard SQL tables and your entire semantic layer is locked inside a proprietary platform, the cost of migration becomes prohibitive. Imprisonment of customers is the entire basis of Palantir’s 134% net revenue retention rate: lock-in means buying more is the only option. Model out of date? Pay a few million to update it. Business changed? Buy another round of consulting. Technical reviewers who have worked through the export path document that data exists within Palantir in a proprietary shape and format, and although it can be exported as CSV and JSON, the resulting files are not readily usable by any equivalent system.

So, that’s a dumpster fire of logic.

The CNBC show gives Karp an unfair asymmetry soapbox, and he wastes it. Token-metered API access is shallow lock-in: legible pricing, swappable endpoints, exit measured in weeks. Ontology lock-in is deep: your operational logic, not just your data, lives in their vocabulary. Karp’s “control over your compute, your models, your data stack, and your alpha” offers customers ownership of the layer that matters least (weights, GPUs) while Palantir keeps the layer that matters most (the semantic model of your entire organization). The sovereignty language is the sales wrapper on the dependency. That’s presumably also why it’s aimed at Europe, where the sovereignty anxiety is real and the resistance to Palantir specifically is strongest.

Karp literally says the world is binary, an us versus them existence and we’re always at war with those around us who don’t conform to our own beliefs. He exhibits some of that in the room when he talks over all the women in the room. Becky Quick, who calls out “anger”, is treated harshly by Karp for it.

If you track all his binary positions in the conversation, while they bounce back and forth contradicting himself, you maybe start to realize they are rooted in just two arguments.

Us or them is the infamous Nazi Carl Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction, the definition of the political that dispenses with all other categories: not right or wrong, legal or illegal, true or false, only which side. This is a shameful negation of Buber’s I and Thou.

Public lies and private truths is Leo Strauss’s esoteric doctrine: exoteric speech for the masses, real knowledge for initiates. Karp repeatedly pulls this move, declaring every topic has a secret narrative and he’s only in a position to tell the public lie.

Karp holds a Frankfurt doctorate from Goethe University, the institutional home of the Frankfurt School. Habermas read roughly 40 pages of his draft and rejected it, telling him he could not compete with the theorists already writing on the subject. The sociologist Karola Brede supervised the dissertation instead. Its subject was Talcott Parsons, Adorno’s Jargon of Authenticity, and jargon as a means of exercising power over others. He wrote a dissertation on his own method. He knows the names for what he’s doing. And what he’s doing is so primitive as to be childish.

Reducing the world to every entity classified, every person sorted into a category, threat or asset, target or friendly is the architecture of Nazism, which he knows very, very well.

The Palantir deployment that fills American concentration camps is an esoteric truth in the precise Straussian sense. The ICE contract sits in the public record. What the platform does, to whom, on what evidence, stays sealed from the public that funds it, so they can’t stop crimes against humanity committed in their name. The Israeli deployments sit one layer deeper, classified in full, serving a genocide the vendor publicly assigns to the side of good.

He is on CNBC describing Hitler’s mentality as his own. And if you know anything about Hitler, it’s that his critics called him a fool, madman, and an idiot, which meant they didn’t take his words seriously enough to realize he was plotting to kill them and all their colleagues too. Karp literally says he never uses drugs in the segment, as if to invoke Hitler’s claims of being a teetotaler. He is on CNBC reciting Carl Schmitt’s doctrine as an operating manual. Schmitt joined the Nazi party on May 1, 1933, the day Hitler froze admissions claiming the Party didn’t want opportunists rushing in late. He was among the last through the door, and he wrote the legal defense of the Röhm murders the following year.

The friend-enemy distinction Karp uses was never a metaphor, it was Hitler’s genocidal foundation, evolving forced deportation lists into death camps.

The session ends with Karp extracting emotional support from the people in the room, acting like he’s desperate for a hug, and the hosts try to comfort his ego. Apply his own rule to that sad scene, because he hands it to us: everyone is getting processed by the Palantir lists as either naughty or nice, and public reassurance is a lie. He told you how he sorts a room, and how his company fuels genocide as a private contract. Believe him.

The AfD are campaigning hard to bring back Hitler’s pre-1941 racist forced deportation platform (Nisko and Gurs), and also to block clean energy and make Germany more dependent on foreign states like Russia.

Johannes Kieß, a researcher specialising in right-wing extremism at Leipzig University [explains why a Nazi agenda of the AfD isn’t the only thing that attracts German voters].

“When it comes to energy policy, the AfD’s electoral success is not driven by constructive or innovative policy proposals,” he said. Instead, he argues, the party’s appeal is built on emotion, mobilising resentment directed both at “those at the top” — the political establishment — and “those at the bottom” — perceived outsiders.

Coal instead of wind power
The picture is different when it comes to the economy. Businesses say their biggest challenges are the shortage of skilled workers and high energy prices.

While Saxony-Anhalt’s coalition government of the CDU and the Social Democrats (SPD) [and the FDP] is betting on expanding renewable energy to reduce dependence on fossil fuels and volatile energy prices, the AfD is backing fossil fuels instead [helping Putin maintain power].

Business leaders and economists have therefore cautioned against the AfD entering government.

Advising caution against the AfD entering government is like giving caution against Trump entering government. The only real difference is Nazis aren’t illegal in America.