Category Archives: History

A Common Security Fallacy? Too Big to Fail (KISS)

Often I have journalists asking me to answer questions or send advice for a story. My reply takes a bit of time and reflection. Then, usually, although not always, I get an update something like this:

Loved what you had to say but had to cut something out. Editors, you know how it is. Had to make room for answers from my other experts…I’m sure you can understand. Look forward to hearing your answer next time

I DO understand. I see the famous names of people they’re quoting and the clever things they’re saying. They won, I lost. It happens. And then I started to wonder why not just publish my answers here too. That really was the point of having a blog. Maybe I should create a new category.

So without further ado, here’s something that I wrote that otherwise probably never will see the light of day:

Journalist: Tell me about a most common security fallacy

Me: let me start with a truism: KISS (keep it simple stupid)

this has always been true in security and will likely always be true. simpler systems are easier to secure because they are less sophisticated, more easily understood. complex systems tend to need to be broken down into bite-sited KISS and relationships modeled carefully or they’re doomed to unanticipated failures.

so the answer to one of most common security fallacies is…

too big to fail. also known as they’re big and have a lot to lose so they wouldn’t do the wrong thing. or there’s no way a company that big doesn’t have a lot of talent, so i don’t need to worry about security.

we’ve seen the largest orgs fail repeatedly at basic security (google, facebook, dropbox, salesforce, oracle!) because internal and external culture tends to give a pass on accountability. i just heard a journalist say giant anti-virus vendors would not have a back door because it would not be in their best interest. yet tell me how accountable they really are when they say “oops, we overlooked that” as they often do in their existing business model.

for a little historic context it’s the type of error made at the turn of the century with meat production in chicago. a book called “the jungle” pointed out that a huge fast-growth industrial giant could actually have atrocious safety, yet be protected by sheer size and momentum from any correction. it would take an object of equal or greater force (e.g. an authority granted by governance over a large population) to make an impact on their security.

so the saying should be “too big to be simple”. the larger an organization the more likely it could have hidden breaches or lingering risks, which is what we saw with heartland, tjx, target, walmart and so on. also the larger an organization the less likely it may have chemistry or incentives in place to do the right thing for customer safety.

there’s also an argument against being safe just because simple, but it is not nearly as common a fallacy.

This Day in History: Antoine de Saint-Exupéry Disappears

On July 31 in 1944 Antoine de Saint-Exupéry flew a Lockheed Lightning P-38 on a morning reconnaissance mission, despite being injured and nearly ten years over the pilot age limit. It was the last day he was seen alive. A bracelet bearing his name was later found by a fisherman offshore between Marseille and Cassis, which led to discovery of the wreckage of his plane.

Saint-Exupéry was an unfortunate pilot with many dangerous flying accidents over his career. One in particular was during a raid, an attempt to set a speed record from Paris to Hanoï, Indochine and back to Paris. Winning would have meant 150K Francs. Instead Saint-Exupéry crashed in the Sahara desert.

Besides being a pilot of adventure he also was an avid writer and had studied drawing in a Paris art school. In 1942 he wrote The Little Prince, which has been translated into more than 250 languages and is one of the most well-known books in the world. Saint-Exupéry never received any of its royalties.

It brings to mind the rash of people now posting videos and asking their fans to pay to view/support their adventures.

Imagine if Saint-Exupéry had taken a video selfie of his crash and survival in the Sahara desert and posted it straight to a sharing site, asking for funds…instead of writing a literary work of genius and seeing none of its success.

We Need a Digital Right to Repair

Dan Lyke asked me a good question today, in response to my Jeep of Death blog post and tweets about patching:

So yay for sharing, but we shouldn’t normalize getting your car patches from random Internet users.

On the one hand it would be easy to agree with Dan’s point. Randomness sounds scary and untrustworthy.

On the other hand, reality says doing safe business with random people might be a reasonable and normal state of affairs. I mean imagine getting a car chip update from a random vendor, or a part to fix your suspension or brakes. Imagine getting fuel from a random vendor.

Can trust or standards of care be established to allow randomness? Yes, obviously. Hello FTC.

My response to Dan was more brief than that response, because, well, Twitter:

why not? we get other “after market” fixes for cars all the time

This does not convince Dan, unfortunately. He asks an even scarier question:

would you run random executables emailed to you by internet strangers? On your car?

I try to explain again what I said before, that we enjoy a market full of randomness that our cars execute already (e.g. gasoline, diesel…steam, vegetable oil). And that is a good thing.

YES. because i have a digital right to repair, i would. i have been doing this on my diesel chip and motorcycles for a decade.

As far as I can tell Ducati was the first to allow after-market software patches on their engines, more than fifteen years ago. I owned a 2001 motorcycle that certainly allowed for it as I patched the ECU about every year, always after-market and sometimes with a random mechanic.

The idea that we should allow any patching process to be wholly controlled by vendors and not at all by consumers or independent mechanics sounds to me like a very dangerous imbalance.

Allow me to explain in more than 140 characters:

Having the right to repair is actually an ancient fight. Anyone familiar with American political history knows horror stories about Standard Oil, Ma’ Bell, let alone GM and Ford; monopolies that have tried to shut-down innovators. Or maybe I should invoke the angry Bill Gate’s hate letter to hobbyists?

Lessons learned from history can be plenty relevant to today’s dilemmas. Consider for example the Right to Repair legislation, that that I last blogged about in 2005, pushed by the late great Senator Wellstone.

wellstone

The argument made in 2001 by Senator Wellstone was manufacturers established “unfair monopoly” by locking away essential repair information, which prohibited independent mechanics from working on cars.

Wellstone’s ‘Motor Vehicle Owners’ Right to Repair Act’ Gives Vehicle Owners the Right to Choose Where, How and by Whom To Have Repairs and Parts of Their Choice. […] This legislation allows the vehicle owners — and not the car manufacturers — to own the repair and parts information on their personal property, this time their vehicles. It simply allows motoring consumers to have the ability to choose where, how and by whom to have their vehicles repaired and to choose the replacement parts of their choice — even to work on their own vehicles if they choose.

Opposition to the legislation was not only from the big companies that would have to share information with customers. Some outside the companies also argued against transparency and self (or at least independent) services. Believe it or not, for years statements were being made about protecting “high-tech” car security (e.g. passive anti-theft devices such as smart-key and engine immobilizer) with obfuscation.

Of course we know obfuscation to be a weak argument in information security, right? Put recent news about electronic key thieves in perspective of ConsumerReports arguing in the mid 2000s that obfuscation of key technology would better protect consumers from threats…

Well the fight against consumer right to repair cars dragged on and on until Massachusetts politicians broke through the nonsense in 2012 and passed H. 4362, a Right to Repair, which was seen as a compromise that car manufacturers could swallow.

Nearly thirteen years after Wellstone introduced his bill, an important federal step was taken towards normalizing random patches.

The long fight over “right to repair” seems to be nearing an end.

For more than a decade, independent car repair chains such as Jiffy Lube and parts retailers such as AutoZone have been lobbying for laws that would give them standardized access to the diagnostic tools that automakers give their franchised dealers.

Automakers have resisted, citing the cost of software changes required to make the information more accessible.

It was because of a mostly external benefit (consumers), with mostly internal cost (automakers), that regulators had to step in to balance the economics of repair information access. Wellstone was wise to recognize consumer safety from access to information, lower-cost and faster repairs to things they own, could be more beneficial to the auto industry than higher margins.

I attempted to translate this political theory into today’s terms by Tweeting at people for a Digital Right to Repair on Android phones.

years-for-fixes

Perhaps I see the parallels today because I ran security programs at Yahoo! for mobile a decade ago and noticed parallels back then.

Phone manufacturers were slow to push security updates. Consumers were slow to pull updates. It seemed, from a cost-effective risk management view, that allowing Right to Repair to hundreds of millions of consumers we essentially would grease the wheels of progress and improvements. We anticipated patches would roll sooner and where innovation was available, because knowledge.

In other words rules that prevented understanding internals of devices also stalled understanding how to repair. To me that is a very serious security calculation.

What industry needs to discuss specifically is whether the rules to prevent understanding will unreasonably prevent safety protections from forming. Withholding information may push consumers unwittingly into an expensive and dangerous risk scenario that easily could have been avoided. Who should be held responsible when that happens?

Looking forward, the economics of IoT patching (i.e. trillions of devices needing triage) begs why not enhance sharing to leverage local resources for partnership and innovations in self-defense. As we move towards more devices needing repair, I certainly hope we do not lose sight of Wellstone’s legacy and the lessons his Act has taught us.

The Little Can That Could: History of the Yellow Jerrycan

Part three in a three part series about the history of the Jerry can; this page is a reprint of “The Little Can That Could” a first-person account to support parts one and two.

Written by Richard M. Daniel, retired commander in the U.S. Naval Reserve and a chemical engineer, and published in Fall 1987 Invention and Technology pages 60-64.

During World War II the United States exported more tons of petroleum products than of all other war matériel combined. The mainstay of the enormous oil and gasoline transportation network that fed the war was the oceangoing tanker, supplemented on land by pipelines, railroad tank cars, and trucks. But for combat vehicles on the move, another link was crucial—smaller containers that could be carried and poured by hand and moved around a battle zone by trucks.

Hitler knew this. He perceived early on that the weakest link in his plans for blitzkrieg using his panzer divisions was fuel supply. He ordered his staff to design a fuel container that would minimize gasoline losses under combat conditions. As a result the German army had thousands of jerrycans, as they came to be called, stored and ready when hostilities began in 1939.

The jerrycan had been developed under the strictest secrecy, and its unique features were many. It was flat-sided and rectangular in shape, consisting of two halves welded together as in a typical automobile gasoline tank. It had three handles, enabling one man to carry two cans and pass one to another man in bucket-brigade fashion. Its capacity was approximately five U.S. gallons; its weight filled, forty-five pounds. Thanks to an air chamber at the top, it would float on water if dropped overboard or from a plane. Its short spout was secured with a snap closure that could be propped open for pouring, making unnecessary any funnel or opener. A gasket made the mouth leakproof. An air-breathing tube from the spout to the air space kept the pouring smooth. And most important, the can’s inside was lined with an impervious plastic material developed for the insides of steel beer barrels. This enabled the jerrycan to be used alternately for gasoline and water.

Early in the summer of 1939, this secret weapon began a roundabout odyssey into American hands. An American engineer named Paul Pleiss, finishing up a manufacturing job in Berlin, persuaded a German colleague to join him on a vacation trip overland to India. The two bought an automobile chassis and built a body for it. As they prepared to leave on their journey, they realized that they had no provision for emergency water. The German engineer knew of and had access to thousands of jerrycans stored at Tempelhof Airport. He simply took three and mounted them on the underside of the car.

The two drove across eleven national borders without incident and were halfway across India when Field Marshal Goering sent a plane to take the German engineer back home. Before departing, the engineer compounded his treason by giving Pleiss complete specifications for the jerrycan’s manufacture. Pleiss continued on alone to Calcutta. Then he put the car in storage and returned to Philadelphia.

Back in the United States, Pleiss told military officials about the container, but without a sample can he could stir no interest, even though the war was now well under way. The risk involved in having the cans removed from the car and shipped from Calcutta seemed too great, so he eventually had the complete vehicle sent to him, via Turkey and the Cape of Good Hope. It arrived in New York in the summer of 1940 with the three jerrycans intact. Pleiss immediately sent one of the cans to Washington. The War Department looked at it but unwisely decided that an updated version of their World War I container would be good enough. That was a cylindrical ten-gallon can with two screw closures. It required a wrench and a funnel for pouring.

That one jerrycan in the Army’s possession was later sent to Camp Holabird, in Maryland. There it was poorly redesigned; the only features retained were the size, shape, and handles. The welded circumferential joint was replaced with rolled seams around the bottom and one side. Both a wrench and a funnel were required for its use. And it now had no lining. As any petroleum engineer knows, it is unsafe to store gasoline in a container with rolled seams. This ersatz can did not win wide acceptance.

The British first encountered the jerrycan during the German invasion of Norway, in 1940, and gave it its English name (the Germans were, of course, the “Jerries”). Later that year Pleiss was in London and was asked by British officers if he knew anything about the can’s design and manufacture. He ordered the second of his three jerrycans flown to London. Steps were taken to manufacture exact duplicates of it.

Two years later the United States was still oblivious of the can. Then, in September 1942, two quality-control officers posted to American refineries in the Mideast ran smack into the problems being created by ignoring the jerrycan. I was one of those two. Passing through Cairo two weeks before the start of the Battle of El Alamein, we learned that the British wanted no part of a planned U.S. Navy can; as far as they were concerned, the only container worth having was the Jerrycan, even though their only supply was those captured in battle. The British were bitter; two years after the invasion of Norway there was still no evidence that their government had done anything about the jerrycan.

My colleague and I learned quickly about the jerrycan’s advantages and the Allied can’s costly disadvantages, and we sent a cable to naval officals in Washington stating that 40 percent of all the gasoline sent to Egypt was being lost through spillage and evaporation. We added that a detailed report would follow. The 40 percent figure was actually a guess intended to provoke alarm, but it worked. A cable came back immediately requesting confirmation.

We then arranged a visit to several fuel-handling depots at the rear of Montgomery’s army and found there that conditions were indeed appalling. Fuel arrived by rail from the sea in fifty-five-gallon steel drums with rolled seams and friction-sealed metallic mouths. The drums were handled violently by local laborers. Many leaked. The next link in the chain was the infamous five-gallon “petrol tin.” This was a square can of tin plate that had been used for decades to supply lamp kerosene. It was hardly useful for gasoline. In the hot desert sun, it tended to swell up, burst at the seams, and leak. Since a funnel was needed for pouring, spillage was also a problem.

Allied soldiers in Africa knew that the only gasoline container worth having was German. Similar tins were carried on Liberator bombers in flight. They leaked out perhaps a third of the fuel they carried. Because of this, General Wavell’s defeat of the Italians in North Africa in 1940 had come to naught. His planes and combat vehicles had literally run out of gas. Likewise in 1941, General Auchinleck’s victory over Rommel had withered away. In 1942 General Montgomery saw to it that he had enough supplies, including gasoline, to whip Rommel in spite of terrific wastage. And he was helped by captured jerrycans.

The British historian Desmond Young later confirmed the great importance of oil cans in the early African part of the war. “No one who did not serve in the desert,” he wrote, “can realise to what extent the difference between complete and partial success rested on the simplest item of our equipment—and the worst. Whoever sent our troops into desert warfare with the [five-gallon] petrol tin has much to answer for. General Auchinleck estimates that this ‘flimsy and illconstructed container’ led to the loss of thirty per cent of petrol between base and consumer. … The overall loss was almost incalculable. To calculate the tanks destroyed, the number of men who were killed or went into captivity because of shortage of petrol at some crucial moment, the ships and merchant seamen lost in carrying it, would be quite impossible.”

After my colleague and I made our report, a new five-gallon container under consideration in Washington was canceled. Meanwhile the British were finally gearing up for mass production. Two million British jerrycans were sent to North Africa in early 1943, and by early 1944 they were being manufactured in the Middle East. Since the British had such a head start, the Allies agreed to let them produce all the cans needed for the invasion of Europe. Millions were ready by D-day. By V-E day some twenty-one million Allied jerrycans had been scattered all over Europe. President Roosevelt observed in November 1944, “Without these cans it would have been impossible for our armies to cut their way across France at a lightning pace which exceeded the German Blitz of 1940.”

In Washington little about the jerrycan appears in the official record. A military report says simply, “A sample of the jerry can was brought to the office of the Quartermaster General in the summer of 1940.”

Go back to part one or two in this series.