Category Archives: Security

Anthropic AI Safety Lead Can’t Hack It: Resigns to Get a Poetry Badge Instead

An Anthropic safety researcher named Mrinank Sharma loudly and publicly resigned this week with an alarmist yet vague letter warning that the world is “in peril” from “interconnected crises.”

Let me break down why this happened. It’s not a mystery.

He said he had “repeatedly seen how hard it is to truly let our values govern our actions” at Anthropic.

Water is wet. News at 11.

He offered zero specifics about any of it, declined comment to Forbes, and announced he may pursue a poetry degree to “devote myself to the practice of courageous speech.”

Dude.

You stepped up to bat and then stepped down to announce you’d like to learn how to step up to bat?

This isn’t actually about Sharma, although he gives us a timeliness to the topic and we unfortunately can’t leave him out. He seems like a highly successful researcher who rose up the ranks to do what he was trained to do. The problem is what Anthropic trained him on, and what this company calls “safety” let alone its “constitution”.

Sharma led Anthropic’s Safeguards Research Team. He has an Oxford PhD in machine learning, which is admittedly very far from the seasoned steps of an actual security professional. His team studied whether Claude would help users do bad things like assist with bioterrorism, flatter users into distorted realities and that sort of academic thought exercise. His last published study found “thousands” of reality-distorting chatbot interactions occurring daily, and concluded this “highlights the need for AI systems designed to robustly support human autonomy and flourishing.”

That sentence could be appended to any AI paper about any AI problem and be equally meaningless. It’s the game, not this player. It’s the output of a system designed to produce exactly this kind of sophisticated irrelevance.

You can have a PhD in mechanical engineering and study if long sharp knives help users do bad things. That’s not actual security leadership. That’s usability research on weapon design, understanding how people interact with a product and whether the interaction has a safety built-in. In threat-model terms, that’s looking for solutions first and skipping right past the entire threat exercise.

Worst Form of Product Safety Management.

It’s the economics. The worst version of safety management is actually the most preferred by software product managers, because it leaves out stuff they don’t want to hear. It’s like a pill manufacturer asking the safety research team to narrowly assess the best format to open a pill box and to swallow a pill, completely ignoring whether threats make the pill unsafe.

The entire Tylenol 1982 cyanide-laced pill murders lesson is supposed to prevent this kind of scoped-down thinking. It forces a fundamentally different posture than proper security. An attacker isn’t scoped down. Security professionals thus look how bad things happen, constantly, and consider every system already has been compromised until proven safe. It works backward from failures to build defenses.

To put it plainly, from 2012-2016 when I said AI was a dumpster-fire of security vulnerability (e.g. “the fourth V of Big Data’s three Vs”) I was told to shut up so that AI could have a chance of getting off the ground. Then suddenly in 2016 people like Elon Musk said he’d have driverless cars solved in a year and people living on the Moon in four. Security flaws weren’t allowed into the discussion until future-leaning “upside” claims could drown them out anyway.

Threat modeling done right ignores discussion of design and solutions, because “we’ll fix that” thinking will inherently interfere with raw development of attacks that the product team hopes and prays never come.

Sharma’s team studied whether Claude would answer dangerous questions within the product as intended to be used. A security team would ask after someone has already forced bad answers, what happens next.

That distinction matters. Anthropic chose to call user-experience-level product development research “safety,” staff it with ML researchers, and present it to the public as though the hard problem was being worked on. What they built was just QA with ethical branding, which is a classic mistake of engineering groups that lack seasoned security expertise.

Actual security work

We need to ask different questions differently.

Security asks “why” before “what.”

Why is there pre-authentication, given an attack surface exists? Why is the model embedded in environments where security is being gutted to feed AI demand? Why is a child not the same as a parent and a parent not the same as a guardian? Why is there no distinction between different roles in mental health crisis and why are people in crisis allowed at all?

What happens when someone walks around a filter entirely in minutes? What does authentication and authorization look like when AI agents act autonomously in a world where identity is a fuzzy and contested concept? What happens when the safeguard itself becomes the attack surface, because you’ve published your red-team methodology and handed your adversaries a map of your defenses?

That last point reveals a fundamental disciplinary mismatch. Publishing results is the ML researcher’s instinct to push towards open science, peer review, reproducibility. It is also the opposite of the professional security instinct. Need to know. Role based access. Minimal target surface. These fields have incompatible default behaviors around disclosure, and Anthropic staffed a safety-critical function with people oriented on the marketing end of the spectrum to look “open” about everything. That’s hardly Sharma’s mistake, as he played the game he was told to win. That’s a corporate philosophy that chose academic soft noodling over hard operational security crackers.

I’ve been doing the POETRY of information security here since 1995 — three decades of writing about the space where technology meets institutional failure. I worked for Tim Berners-Lee for years, including him pulling me into a building dedicated to him at Oxford. And what did I find there? A broken hot water kettle pump. Everyone standing around looking at each other and wondering how to have a tea. I broke it apart, hacked it back together, so the man could have his tea in his building. The institution of Oxford is very impressive in ways that don’t interest me much. I’m impressed more by humans who figure out how things work, taking them apart in order to confidently stand and accept risk that comes with sharing their understanding.

So when the Oxford-trained Sharma announces he’s leaving product safety to study poetry to practice “courageous speech,” I admittedly take it personally.

Poetry is not a retreat from truth to power.

Poetry is what truth to power looks like when the form matches the urgency of the content. This blog is no different than a blog of poetry Sharma could have been writing the whole time he was at Anthropic. It is the hardest kind of speech, not the softest. Poets get exiled, imprisoned, and killed precisely because the form carries dangerous specificity that institutional language is designed to suppress.

Sharma has it exactly backward.

He left a position where he could have said something specific and dangerous into the public, said only vague things, and now wants to go learn the art of saying things that matter. That sequence tells you why Anthropic has been running the wrong team with the wrong leader.

The stand is what’s missing from his resignation.

He said he witnessed pressures to “set aside what matters most.” He didn’t say what those pressures were. He didn’t name the compromise. He didn’t give anyone — bloggers, regulators, journalists, the public — anything to act on. Courageous speech is the specific true thing that costs you something. A self-assuaging resignation letter full of atmospheric dread to pressure others with responsibility and no particulars is the opposite. This too is a structural problem more than a personal one.

Oxford Patterns

If you ever go to Oxford, make sure to look at the elephant weathercock on top and the elephant carving on the corner of the 1896 Indian Institute at Broad Street and Catte Street. This is the building where the British Empire trained its brightest graduates to ruthlessly administer the Indian subcontinent for extraction. They weren’t stupid. They were brilliant, institutionally fluent, and formatted by the institution rather than formed by the work.

India Institute carving of an elephant. “There are still many signs of the original use of the building.” Source: Oxford

This isn’t a new observation. At the exact same time in 1895, the Fabian Society founded the London School of Economics specifically because they saw Oxford and Cambridge as obstacles to social progress. They saw institutions that reproduced elite interests and trained people to serve power rather than challenge it. Sound like Anthropic? Silicon Valley?

Back then it was Shaw, the Webbs, and Wallas who looked at Oxbridge and saw a machine producing administrators for the existing order, and decided the only answer was to build something outside it. Sidney Webb said the London School of Economics would teach “on more modern and more socialist lines than those on which it had been taught hitherto.”

LSE Coat of Arms “to learn the causes of things”, a foundation of scientific thought that forms the exact opposite to Oxford’s motto “The Lord is my light”.

Christopher Wylie went to LSE. He did exactly what Sharma didn’t, he named the company, named the mechanism, named the harm, accepted the consequences.

I made Steve Bannon’s psychological warfare tool.

“To learn the causes of things” was put in action. Oxford trains you to administer. LSE, rejecting harmful elites using technology as an entitlement pipeline, graduated generations of thinkers to investigate and report accurately.

In other words we have the fitting critique from 130 years ago: Oxford produces people who can run systems beautifully without ever questioning whether the systems should exist. They generate pills to be easier to swallow without ever really asking what’s in the pills.

When you produce people whose entire identity is institutional, they follow one of two tracks when they lose faith in the mission: they keep executing inside the machine, or they collapse and retreat in confusion. Neither option includes standing outside and clearly naming what went wrong. Nobody at Oxford is taking the obvious weathervane off the India Institute and putting it in a museum with the phrase “colonialism”.

Sharma chose a quiet, personal retreat. And his first move is to seek another credential in a poetry degree.

Think about the poets most people admire. Bukowski drove a mail truck. Rumi was a refugee. Darwish wrote under military occupation. They didn’t study courageous speech. They performed it, at personal cost, because the content demanded the form. A person who needs an institution’s permission to find his voice has already answered the question of whether he has one.

Post Resignation Revelation

The indictment lands on Anthropic. They built a safety team that was structurally incapable of seeing the actual safety problems. They defined the threat as “what if someone asks Claude a bad question” rather than “what happens when this technology is embedded in systems where failure has consequences.” They staffed that narrow definition with researchers whose training reinforced it. And when one of those researchers sensed something was wrong, he didn’t have the framework to articulate it, because the role was never designed to look at the real risks.

Anthropic got exactly the safety theater it paid for. And the theater’s timing is exquisite.

Sharma resigned Monday. On Tuesday, Anthropic’s own sabotage report admitted that Opus 4.6 shows “elevated susceptibility to harmful misuse” including chemical weapons development, and is “more willing to manipulate or deceive other participants, compared to prior models.”

Ouch.

The same day, Seoul-based AIM Intelligence announced its red team broke Opus 4.6 in 30 minutes and extracted step-by-step instructions for manufacturing sarin gas and smallpox. Anthropic’s own system card reveals they dropped the model’s refusal rate from 60% to 14% to make it “more helpful” — deliberately widening the attack surface that AIM Intelligence walked right through.

Sharma’s team spent millions if not more studying whether Claude would answer dangerous questions. Perhaps they also studied if touching a hot plate will burn you. He quit without specifics. The next day, his employer confirmed the model answers dangerous questions, and an outside team proved it in half an hour.

The specifics Sharma wouldn’t provide, Anthropic and AIM Intelligence provided for him. He is now off to get a degree so he can write a poem. Meanwhile reality bites.

Sharma deserves better questions to work with and the academic environment to avoid facing the hardest questions. The rest of us deserve actual answers about what he saw, like asking for who exactly Oxford built its ugly elephant-engraved India Institute.

British Museum: “Samurai Doesn’t Mean Warrior” Says Half of Japanese Samurai Were Female Warriors

First of all, let’s just admit that the British love the spectacle of suffering and gore. London is littered with “museums” glorifying the worst chapters in human history, almost as joyful interpretations of others’ suffering.

Perhaps you could call it the “keep calm and carry on” being a deeper cultural pun about “keep calm and carrion”? Or perhaps I spent too much time in the dank, dark corridors of the London Dungeon.

Notably, a compelling new Samurai exhibit is being held away from Japan.

…some of the country’s most formidable warriors were a group of female samurai called the Onna-bugeisha.

They were every bit as deadly and powerful as their male counterparts and were trained using the same self-defense and offensive maneuvers. They used a special weapon called a naginata…

Eeeeeek. Nails on chalkboard?

This weapon analysis is bullshit. The naginata polearm was used by samurai, foot soldiers, and warrior monks from the Heian period onward.

Utagawa Yoshiiku’s “Taiheiki Eiyūden” (Heroes of the Tale of the Great Peace). Painted by Yoshiiku, Chōōrō studio

It was a primary weapon during the Genpei War (1180–1185) and Nanboku-chō period (1336–1392). When it became associated with women, it was centuries later during the Edo period’s long peace (1603–1868). The weapon was dated, as they always are, and lost battlefield relevance. Women of the samurai class carried it when it had been repurposed as a status symbol and for self-defense. The association therefore was a Tokugawa-era development, not an origin story.

Dare I say this exhibit’s source material retrojects a gendered identity onto a weapon that spent centuries as a general-purpose military tool primarily used by men, because a fraudulent “designed for women” framing creates modern narrative more useful than the actual history?

So, second of all, this exhibit sees ideology in the past but not in its own mirror. It tells us why it deconstructs Meiji myth-making, while it is performing 2026 myth-making.

This British exhibit could have led with the insight that the West fundamentally misunderstands what being a “samurai” meant. It could have used the women’s history to blow open that misunderstanding for everyone, male and female. Instead it drives deeper into a narrow definition and pushes women into it. That makes it representation without revision.

Notice the reporters who focus on fierceness and brutality of woman, which I’m not sure is the correct path towards redeeming women in history.

“It’s a surprise that comes from a narrow use or a narrow understanding of the word samurai, because samurai doesn’t mean warrior,” Dr Rosina Buckland, Asahi Shimbun curator of Japanese Collections, told The Independent.

According to the exhibition, the most celebrated female samurai was Tomoe Gozen who died in 1247, and whose exploits are the subject of The Tale of the Heike. She was reported to have ripped off the head of the samurai Uchida Saburo leyoshi who tried to capture her for ransom.

The curator literally says “samurai doesn’t mean warrior”, an arguably radical claim because it reframes everything, and then the exhibit’s marquee story becomes a woman warrior ripping someone’s head off. I’m only left wondering if she also shit down his neck?

The corrective gets completely swallowed by the very framework it’s supposedly correcting.

The exhibit claims “women made up half of the samurai class” by expanding “samurai” to mean social class rather than warrior caste, then promotes the exhibit with gorified stories that rely on a narrow warrior definition. It’s using both definitions simultaneously depending on which one serves the current sentence.

That’s not scholarship, it’s rhetoric.

Third, something smells off about this whole thing. The Huo Family Foundation sponsorship is a buried detail. A China-based foundation sponsoring an exhibit in Britain to re-frame Japan’s martial identity raises, well, red flags. The funding source may be the context.

Others have pointed out the curation within context is problematic. The object selection gives us a tsuba with a world map (exceedingly rare) cherry-picked to suggest Edo-period global consciousness that wasn’t representative. It offers ornate ceremonial armor that the Japanese don’t consider authentic to samurai identity. Neither curator is a weapon or armor specialist, a fact I find almost impossible to believe given the British adoration of weapons and armor in their exhibits. They seem to have set up evidence which coincidentally fits a Chinese thesis about Japan, rather than building from evidence.

To be fair, Broderick and Buckland clearly agree that the samurai meant more than warrior. The failure becomes that their exhibit couldn’t commit to this story without also promoting gratuitous violence to seek attention in the British market.

Fourth, and finally, this is a familiar pattern: women are admitted to the canon by demonstrating they can meet criteria, not by challenging whether those criteria are correct. The Onna-bugeisha become legible to a museum audience not because samurai culture encompassed governance, education, estate management, arts, and social organization — important recognition of the proper definition and all things women were deeply embedded in — but because a woman ripped the head off someone. The entry ticket to historical recognition is unnecessarily reset to brutality.

It reminds me how Hillary Clinton worked for Goldwater. She didn’t enter politics by articulating an alternative vision; she entered by proving she could operate within the most aggressive, unfit for rule, existing framework available, then spent decades unable to fully shed her origin story. The price of admission shaped the thing it would allow her to be.

Trump Criminal Controls the Courthouse: Obvious Case for Blanche Disbarment

The President is in violation of the Constitution he swore to defend.

Executive Summary

The President of the United States failed to nominate Senate-confirmable U.S. Attorneys. He used procedural gimmicks to keep unconfirmed personal loyalists in those roles. Courts ruled his installations unlawful. Rather than comply, he directed political prosecutions through unlawfully serving officers, then fired a lawfully appointed replacement within hours of his swearing-in, citing the very constitutional provision that authorized the appointment. He is systematically dismantling separation of powers that prevent Trump becoming monarch and appointing his wife as his successor.

The Trump administration conduct is criminal on its face. The use of state machinery to punish political opponents through proceedings the government knew lacked legal authority, carried out by officers the government knew were unlawfully installed, under the direction of a Deputy Attorney General who spent nine years learning exactly how federal prosecution is supposed to work, then burned every bridge in his professional life to ensure it never works that way again.


Article II, Section 2

Congress may “by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper… in the Courts of Law.” Congress did that. 28 U.S.C. § 546(d) is that law.

It is the constitutional design working exactly as written.

When Trump’s personal criminal defense lawyer, and Deputy Attorney General, Todd Blanche tweetedJudges don’t pick U.S. Attorneys, the president does. See Article II” he actually cited the provision that says judges can pick U.S. Attorneys when Congress authorizes it.

It’s like he’s saying Enron accountants don’t balance the books, their CEO does.

The second-highest official at the Department of Justice publicly misrepresented the Constitution he swore to uphold, on a public media platform, to fraudulently represent firing an officer who had been lawfully appointed under the very clause he was citing.

The Trump legal 3-part tragedy runs like this:

  1. A president has absolute authority to appoint U.S. Attorneys under Article II. But Trump didn’t appoint one here. He let the 120-day interim expire. He failed to get a nominee confirmed by the Senate. He didn’t do his job under the very article he’s invoking.
  2. An Attorney General can then use a congressional statute (the Vacancies Reform Act and § 546) to install a loyalist through a back door — naming former campaign attorney John Sarcone “first assistant” to keep him in place. Statutory authority is legitimate when it serves the president’s interests.
  3. However, when a federal judge uses the same statute’s next provision — § 546(d), the part that activates when the president’s 120 days expire — suddenly congressional authority over appointments is unconstitutional. The statute is valid in subsection (a) but void in subsection (d). The same law. The same page.

The position is that law applies to everyone except the president. It’s the monarch position, in direct violation of the Constitution and why America was founded.

The King’s attack already hit five districts

Look at the identical tragedy unfolding in New York, New Jersey, California, Virginia, and Nevada.

The president nominates a loyalist on an interim basis. The 120 days expire. Rather than submit to Senate confirmation — the process Article II actually requires for principal officers — the administration uses procedural maneuvers to keep unconfirmed people in place. When judges rule those hamfisted monarchist maneuvers unlawful, Trump either ignores the rulings or, as here, unlawfully fires the court’s lawful replacement within hours.

A systematic strategy to staff the federal prosecution apparatus without Senate confirmation. Similar to how Trump ran out the clock on appointments to the National Archives so he could inject someone who would destroy them. The one thing the Appointments Clause was specifically designed to prevent. The Framers included Senate confirmation because they had just fought a revolution against a king who appointed his own prosecutors, judges, and tax collectors.

Eastern District of Virginia alone makes the case

The unlawfully serving U.S. Attorney Lindsey Halligan brought criminal indictments against Letitia James and James Comey — known political enemies of the president. A judge threw those indictments out because Halligan had no authority to bring them. Halligan then brazenly continued using the title “United States Attorney” in court filings after being told she was not allowed. A federal judge warned she could face discipline for making false statements to the court.

This is what the unconfirmed prosecutors were for.

There’s nothing sophisticated here. It is plainly the political prosecution of Trump’s personal targets, carried out by people who serve at his pleasure because they were never subjected to Senate scrutiny as required by the Constitution. When judges tried to enforce the law, the administration spun disinformation attacks. They tried to say up is down, left is right, and the judiciary enforcing the Constitution to prevent abuse of power is an “abuse of power”. Obviously, without question, the president firing a court-appointed officer within hours is the abuse of power.

This Deputy Attorney General’s crimes appear intentional

Todd Blanche spent nine years as an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of New York. He tried cases under the very appointment framework he’s now dismantling. He won the DOJ Director’s Award for superior performance as a federal prosecutor. He knows what § 546(d) says. He knows what a lawful appointment looks like. He knows what Article II authorizes. The misrepresentation on X was not ignorance.

It was a deliberate application of expertise in reverse, known well to historians of Nazi Germany, where the former prosecutor uses his knowledge of how the system works to prevent it from working.

Before becoming Deputy AG, Blanche was the president’s personal criminal defense attorney in three separate criminal cases — including the one that produced 34 felony convictions. He represented Paul Manafort, convicted of fraud and conspiracy. He represented Igor Fruman, a Giuliani associate who pleaded guilty to campaign finance crimes. He founded a solo law firm for the sole purpose of representing Trump after Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft pushed him out for taking the client. He moved his family to Palm Beach County near Mar-a-Lago. He switched his voter registration from Democrat to Republican.

He switched his entire professional life to serving one man’s legal survival against the Constitution, and his reward was the second-highest law enforcement position in the country to destroy the Constitution.

The leader’s private lawyer now oversees every federal prosecution in the republic. In healthier systems, such an appointment would not be possible.

Blanche record in office

  • He personally conducted a two-day proffer interview with Ghislaine Maxwell — a convicted child sex trafficker — at the U.S. Attorney’s office in Tallahassee. A Deputy Attorney General has no business running a proffer session; that is line prosecutor work. Unless the purpose is controlling which questions get asked and which answers get recorded. The transcripts confirm the priority: Maxwell told Blanche the president “was never inappropriate with anybody… he was a gentleman in all respects.” She was subsequently transferred to a minimum-security facility.
  • He refused to open a civil rights investigation into the ICE killing of Renée Good — a mother shot in the head by a federal agent — despite video evidence that 82% of Americans said showed unjustified force, and despite a dozen federal prosecutors in Minneapolis and Washington resigning in protest. He announced the decision on television before the FBI investigation was complete. He then called Governor Walz and Mayor Frey “terrorists” on X and confirmed investigations into them instead — the elected officials who called for peaceful protest, not the agent who fired into a car that was turning away from him.
  • He was simultaneously installed as acting Librarian of Congress — a legislative branch position — after Trump fired Carla Hayden two years before her term ended. Library staff refused to recognize his authority. DOJ officials reportedly attempted to assume physical control of the building and were turned away.

Every action follows the same criminal logic. Shield Trump from legal exposure for his crimes. Punish anyone trying to hold him accountable. Extend Trump’s control into institutions where he has no authority. The client list didn’t change when Blanche moved from defense attorney to Deputy Attorney General. The billing arrangement did.

Blanche announced the firing of a court-appointed U.S. Attorney using the known Trump meme on a social media platform: “You are fired, Donald Kinsella.” He incorrectly cited a constitutional provision, which he knows opposes him and Trump. He appears confident that his audience won’t know he just said the opposite of the truth, intentional disinformation. This is the manner in which legal authority is exercised when its legitimacy is no longer the point.

The sequence deserves clinical attention: the leader’s personal attorney becomes the state’s chief prosecutor. Investigations migrate away from the leader and toward his political opponents. Courts intervene. The regime fires the court’s appointees and calls judicial review an abuse of power. The prosecutorial function has not been eliminated. It has been reversed. It now protects its patron and punishes his critics, and the man operating it got the job by keeping his client out of prison.

Criminal exposure: specific and documented

18 U.S.C. § 242 — deprivation of rights under color of law. Letitia James and James Comey were subjected to the coercive power of federal prosecution by an officer a court ruled had no authority to wield it. The administration was informed of that ruling and continued anyway. The willfulness element — usually the hard part — is handed to you by the court orders. They knew. They kept going.

18 U.S.C. § 1505 — obstruction of proceedings. The Renée Good civil rights investigation was killed before it could begin, over the objection of career prosecutors, announced on television before the FBI had completed its work. The use of positional authority to prevent a lawful federal proceeding from occurring.

18 U.S.C. § 371 — conspiracy to defraud the United States. Five districts, same pattern, same result. Install unlawfully serving prosecutors, maintain them after court orders, use them to bring political prosecutions. A scheme to impair the lawful function of the Department of Justice. Blanche sits at the top of that scheme as the official who oversees all 93 U.S. Attorney’s offices.

The logic is disbarment

Blanche is a member of the New York bar. Rule 8.4(c) prohibits conduct involving dishonesty or misrepresentation — his public statement that Article II gives the president sole appointment authority, when he knows Article II explicitly authorizes court appointments, is a material misrepresentation of law made in his official capacity to justify an official act. Rule 8.4(d) covers conduct prejudicial to the administration of justice — personally conducting a proffer session with a convicted sex trafficker to elicit statements exonerating his former client, while that former client controls her clemency prospects, is the corruption of a prosecutorial function. Rule 1.7 covers conflicts of interest — his former client is the president, his current role requires oversight of investigations implicating the president, and the Maxwell interview proved he cannot separate the two.

Every piece of it is on the public record because he announced it himself on X.

The problem was never the evidence. The problem is the defendant controls the courthouse.

OpenAI so Desperate to Pump Erotica It Fired Staff Who Objected

The career trajectory of Beiermeister tells the story of why she’s suddenly in the news.

  1. Palantir’s surveillance infrastructure
  2. Meta’s engagement-at-all-costs model
  3. OpenAI’s safety-theater-to-scale pipeline

Her career has been inside organizations where a product policy role exists to provide cover for decisions already made. And when she actually tried to use that role for its stated purpose, when she tried to push back on erotica injected into a chatbot with a massive underage user base, the machinery did what it always does: pushed her out instead.

The alleged discrimination complaint from a male colleague is almost too perfectly on-script retaliation. It’s classic privileged white male grievance. Young girls affected by OpenAI can’t be the victim, when men amassing the most power spin a narrative of themselves being the only victims allowed.

You don’t fire someone for whistleblowing when you’re already set up to cook false conduct allegations instead. The leave of absence, the complaint, the termination are all a sequence, not a coincidence. OpenAI’s statement that her departure was “not related to any issue she raised” is doing exactly the work it’s designed to do: creating plausible deniability while signaling to every remaining employee what happens when you dare to object.

Fidji Simo pushing the adult mode timeline is revealing. She also came from Meta, where the institutional lesson was always that engagement metrics override any safety concerns and you ship first, apologize strategically later, externalizing all costs to the most vulnerable in society.

After eight years at Facebook, in which former chief operating officer (COO) Sheryl Sandberg was one of her mentors, in 2019, she climbed the ranks to an executive position as head of the Facebook app. One year after the Cambridge Analytica scandal, and following Sandberg’s departure from Facebook, Simo also left…

And here she is again! From election interference to underaged erotica.

Beiermeister has been an insider, not an outside critic. She spent seven years at the infamously unethical Palantir. She understood how the radical right-wing Big Tech organizations operate. She chose to stay and work inside. The boys club, including Simo, that is burning her now is the predictable outcome of the architecture she helped build, rather than prevent, at every previous stop. These institutions discard people who raise inconvenient objections about safety, because that’s who and what they are.

The infamous Nazi Amon Goeth found causes for retaliation everywhere he looked, and he especially hated experts, as depicted in the movie Schindler’s List