Category Archives: Security

Drones Hit Yandex so Cloudflare Kept the Russians Online

A Czech MEP posted a chart of AfD online activity with data points dated after he posted it, and it showed 232,000 views inside two hours. By Sunday night Frank Luntz, Garry Kasparov and Timothy Snyder were spreading the news: drones hit Yandex, and Russia’s bot armies went silent. The strikes are real, and the following bot silence reports beg a deeper analysis of what is being measured and how.

The physical evidence is the easy part. Three Yandex data centres were hit in four days. Yandex confirmed that Sasovo was heavily damaged and fully shut down overnight on 7 to 8 October and that Kaluga lost part of its infrastructure on 9 October. Reuters reported the full shutdown of a third site in the Vladimir region on 11 October. The Sasovo facility sits inside a machine-tool plant that has been under UK sanctions since 2024, according to The Record. Zelensky called the campaign a symmetrical response to a month of Russian strikes on Ukrainian data centres, which Russia’s Defence Ministry had cynically boasted was a forced digital detox (like how Molotov’s “bread baskets” were actually cluster-bombs dropped on civilians in Finland by the Soviet Union).

The digital damage to Russia is harder to assess, yet still measurable. And it certainly can be done using instruments that have nothing to do with an infamous malicious bot-spreading company Cloudflare. The IODA project at Georgia Tech probes the internet continuously and counts the /24 blocks that answer. Yandex Cloud, AS200350, answered from about 518 blocks a day through the first week of October. At 23:30 UTC on 7 October the count started falling and reached 341 by 00:30. At 02:00 UTC on 11 October it fell again, to 117. By the morning of 12 October it stood at 112, a 78 percent loss of reachable address space. Both Yandex networks kept announcing every prefix throughout. The machines went dark and the routes stayed up.

Signal, AS200350 Yandex Cloud Reading
Responsive /24 blocks, 1 to 7 Oct daily mean 518
First drop begins 7 Oct 23:30 UTC
8 to 10 Oct daily mean 341
Second drop begins 11 Oct 01:30 UTC
12 Oct 112
Prefixes announced in BGP, every day 858, unchanged

That is the basic summary of what happened, according to reports so far. Now comes a discussion of the statistical chart that produced speculation about the social impact of a datacenter outage. Remember, as we go through this, that Russia called their own operations of bombing datacenters as “digital detox”. So we are looking for evidence that Ukraine bombing Russian datacenters had the effect that Russia claimed.

What spread on Sunday was a screenshot of Cloudflare Radar showing bot-classified HTTP requests from AS13238, Yandex LLC, falling to 0.4 percent of their two-week peak. Tom’s Hardware ran it under a URL slug that still reads russian-disinformation-bot-traffic-nearly-eliminated.

Some may remember that I wrote in June how the Cloudflare CEO misrepresented his own bot data: the company publishes an HTML-only figure as a fact about the whole internet, search crawlers are the largest bot category by a factor of two, and the number functions as a sales pitch for pay-to-crawl. The Yandex chart is the same series read the same wrong way, in reverse. Radar counts a request as a bot when Cloudflare’s bot score falls between 1 and 29, and it filters by default to HTML responses. Russia’s largest search crawler lives in that bucket. When Russia’s largest search crawler stops crawling, the Cloudflare bucket for Yandex’s network empties.

Cloudflare’s own API confirms what the bucket held. Pulled on 12 October, the verified-bot breakdown for Russia is just one bot. YandexBot was 99.8 percent of verified-bot requests from Russia in the week before the strikes and 99.8 percent in the week of them. Cloudflare’s verified-bot chart for Russia is a YandexBot chart. It begs the question why Cloudflare does this, but that’s perhaps another post.

The country-level series is where the story gets far more interesting.

Bot-classified requests from all of Russia averaged 86 percent of their monthly peak from 1 to 7 October and 83 percent from 8 to 11 October. That is a four percent move. Human-classified requests from Russia went from 76 percent of peak to 95 percent, with 9, 10 and 11 October the three highest days of the month. The bot share of Russian traffic did fall, from 49 percent on 7 October to 43 percent on 9 October, and the screenshots of that figure were accurate. The share had already been sliding for two weeks, from 58 percent on 24 September to 47 percent on 5 and 6 October, before any drone flew. The further drop came because Russians went to Cloudflare-fronted sites in the highest numbers of the month while Yandex was down. Cloudflare’s resolver rankings for Russia, which count lookups for every domain, show the same move away from Yandex: facebook.com rose from ninth to seventh, instagram.com from nineteenth to fourteenth, YouTube’s video domain from sixteenth to eleventh, telegram.org from twenty-third to twentieth, while yandex.ru slid from eighth to tenth. Meta’s properties are designated extremist in Russia. For three days the “digital detox” story was that bombing Russian datacenters pushed Russians onto the foreign websites that their own state designates extremist.

The four percent is Yandex itself. Across 1 to 7 October, AS13238 was 8.8 percent of Russia’s bot-classified requests and Yandex Cloud 1.4 percent. Across 9 to 11 October, 4.6 percent and gone from the top twelve.

Share of Russian bot requests 1 to 7 Oct / 9 to 11 Oct
Rostelecom, consumer ISP 13.7% / 14.0%
Yandex LLC 8.8% / 4.6%
Cloudflare 4.1% / 3.6%
MTS, mobile 3.6% / 3.6%
Vimpelcom, mobile 3.1% / 3.4%
Yandex Cloud 1.4% / off the list
T2 Mobile 1.1% / 1.4%

Residential and mobile networks are where automation that imitates people is to be expected, since it has to come from addresses that look like people. Rostelecom, MTS, Vimpelcom and T2 moved between zero and three tenths of a point. The largest single source of bot-classified requests from Russia is a consumer ISP whose share actually went up instead of down.

The hourly data also helps paint this picture. AS13238 rode through the Sasovo night at 88 to 100 percent of peak, eased during 8 October to a 72 percent daily mean, held at 62 percent on 9 and 10 October, and went from 61 percent at 23:00 UTC on 10 October to 0.6 percent at 01:00 on 11 October. So the screenshot in the social media posts shows the Vladimir strike. The earliest posts credited Sasovo, which left Yandex’s crawler running near full volume overnight.

Germany, where the AfD (Nazi party) lives, shows nothing on any Cloudflare series: bot volume averaging 94 percent of peak before the strikes and 96 percent during them, human volume flat, bot share at 52 percent every day of the window. Nonetheless, the earliest known copy of an AfD chart appeared on 11 October at 17:02 UTC. The account of Tomáš Zdechovský, a Czech MEP, posted German axis labels, red markers at minus 30 and minus 56 percent, and the words “if confirmed.” A Bluesky screenshot of his post followed at 18:38 UTC with the caption “none of these far-right movements are organic” and 16,781 likes. Jarosław Wolski, a Polish defence journalist, recaptioned it in Polish that evening with MAGA and “Polish” and “Ukrainian” incitement accounts added to the list of things it supposedly showed, and Andrei Illarionov reposted him. The English translation of Wolski, carrying an English-labelled version of the chart, is what most of the Fediverse saw. Rohtext noticed on Sunday evening that the x-axis runs to 15 October and the second red low sits at about the 13th.

Careful analysis of the two images tells its own story.

Zdechovský’s original is German throughout: the title “Tägliche Aktivität über 3 Monate”, a y-axis with European thousands separators, and every date tick in German format down to “1. Okt. 2026” and “15. Okt. 2026”. The English copy that travelled with Wolski’s caption was made by editing that image. The title and axis words were replaced. The three month names spelled the same in both languages, Jul., Aug. and Sep., were left in German format. The two that differ were retyped as “Oct 1, 2026” and “Oct 15, 2026”, in a smaller font that matches nothing else on the axis. In both versions the line runs past 11 October with an uptick at the end, and three months of daily values show no weekly cycle at all. Measured German political activity on X fell 18 to 37 percent from Saturday to Sunday across all four main parties on the one weekend Rohtext counted by the hour. A 90-day series without a weekend is a peculiar chart with unknown origins, and the version most people saw was a doctored translation of it.

The one account-level number in circulation didn’t last very long. Gabriele Svelto, a Mozilla engineer, posted at 19:03 UTC that he had checked “a couple of Xitter stat sites” and that average views of the main AfD account had dropped 90 percent and engagement 60 percent. At 22:33 UTC he edited the post: he had checked a few random accounts, they were also down a lot, and he must be misreading the data. The original sentence had 651 boosts by Monday morning, and its Bluesky copy, still unedited, 5,008 likes. It kept travelling as social media tends to function. Rohtext’s measured series, German-language posts on X by the hour from 7 to 11 October, shows AfD generic mentions (no sentiment analysis) were rising 9 percent from Thursday to Friday, then falling 19 percent on the weekend, in line with the CDU at 18 percent and less than the SPD at 37 or the Greens at 29.

So I went looking for the Yandex dependency directly. On 12 October I checked 75 domains: the federal AfD, the Bundestag group, twenty-five state party and Landtag group domains, Weidel, Chrupalla, Höcke, Bystron and Krah, the European Parliament delegation, the party foundation and youth wing, fourteen AfD-friendly outlets, fourteen alternative outlets in Germany, Austria and Switzerland, and eleven German-language Kremlin properties. For each: hosting network, mail exchangers, nameservers, and the homepage source searched for Yandex.Metrica, Yandex ads, yastatic, the yadro counter, Mail.ru and VK trackers.

Layer Yandex or Russian dependency
AfD party, groups, politicians, foundation (36 domains) None. Hetzner, IONOS, Strato, Netcup, Cloudflare. Mail at Hornetsecurity, Microsoft and IONOS.
AfD-friendly media (14) None. Seven behind Cloudflare, four on Hetzner.
Alternative DE/AT/CH outlets (14) None.
RT DE and its four mirrors Full Yandex and VK tracker stack, DNS at MegaFon. It is RT.
anti-spiegel.ru, Thomas Röper Mail on Yandex: MX mx.yandex.net, SPF _spf.yandex.net. Front door Cloudflare.
anonymousnews.org Hosted at RU-CENTER, DNS at nic.ru.

The covert operations are another angle to consider here. VIGINUM’s Storm-1516 report places the hundred-plus German-targeting domains registered before the 2025 election on American hosting ranges, on WordPress, and increasingly behind Cloudflare since January 2024, with Dzen and Telegram for amplification. The Swedish Psychological Defence Agency’s Doppelgänger assessment names Voentelekom addresses, a Russian registrar, Proton Mail and Struktura. Qurium’s 2024 map put Doppelgänger’s servers in Frankfurt and in Moscow via Aeza. Yandex appears in none of it. A Yandex dependency would be an attribution giveaway, which is why the professionals build on GoDaddy, Namecheap, Cloudflare and German shared hosting. The operations that do run on Yandex, RT DE and Anti-Spiegel, are the overt ones.

I’ll say it again. Storm-1516 runs behind Cloudflare.

The Pravda network runs behind Cloudflare.

Seven of fourteen AfD-friendly outlets run behind Cloudflare.

The amplifiers kept amplifying. Telegram publishes channel previews with timestamps, so I counted daily posts from 28 September to 12 October for Alina Lipp and Simeon Boykov, whom VIGINUM names, and for Rybar, Compact, Deutschland Kurier and Thomas Röper. Alina Lipp posted 4.7 times a day before the strikes and 4.2 during them. Simeon Boykov went from 21.4 to 26.8. Rybar held between 15 and 21. Compact held at 16. Deutschland Kurier went from 21.5 to 19.5. Thomas Röper, the one operator in the sample with a Yandex dependency, went from 3.4 to 5.0. No channel shows a break at either strike timeline. The only pattern in the table seems to be taking a break for the weekend.

Cloudflare is the wrong instrument in most cases, but not every case.

Cloudflare Radar sees the fifth of the web that Cloudflare fronts, such as all the Nazi and Russia propaganda they want to enable for Cloudflare reasons. X, Facebook, Telegram, TikTok, YouTube and VK run on their own networks, and Radar sees none of their traffic, only DNS lookups through its resolver. An account posting to X from a residential proxy touches Radar at no point in its life. The question Radar can answer is which Cloudflare customers lost their Yandex crawl, and the answer is all of them. The question it holds the data for and will never publish is per-zone traffic to pravda-de.com, pravda-en.com, pravda-fr.com, pravda-es.com and news-pravda.com, the Portal Kombat network that NewsGuard found published 3.6 million articles in 2024, with the ten leading chatbots repeating its claims a third of the time. All five resolve to Cloudflare’s AS13335. So do readovka.news and anti-spiegel.ru. Cloudflare can tell you Yandex stopped crawling.

Cloudflare fronts the propaganda it was credited with silencing.

It begs the question why nobody is bombing Cloudflare. Or perhaps more to the point, who has plans for putting sanctions or drones on Cloudflare?

One more thing worth mentioning is that Yandex’s front-end prefixes, the blocks that host yandex.ru and cloud.yandex.ru, are originated by two networks at once. Yandex’s own AS13238 is seen by about 70 to 76 full-feed peers in RIPE’s collection. AS208398, registered in January 2023 to Edge Technology Plus d.o.o. Beograd, originates the same prefixes and is seen by 250 to 270. The Serbian network has three to four times the route visibility of Russia’s largest internet company and has had it since before the strikes. On 8 October, the day after Sasovo, it carried its 28-day peak of bot-classified traffic, about 40 percent above its weekday norm.

Who owns Edge Technology Plus and under what agreement?

The strike on Yandex is perhaps most notable because it once again exposes Cloudflare for being on the wrong side of history. When the Russian crawler stopped hitting Cloudflare, Cloudflare welcomed the Russians themselves and kept serving the Russian propaganda sites that never went down.

In September I wrote that fragmented attribution is the Russia hypothesis: presence, attribution and tasking are each degraded on purpose, and the operation succeeds when the case stays open. The Dutch rail sabotage of 15 September has a tractor group, a farmers’ secretary who ruled nothing out and coordinated nothing, and silence. The German cable fires have a communique signed with the name of a mobile game. France has two years and a trespass conviction. Yandex has Ukraine’s avowal, Yandex’s own confirmation of each site within hours, and IODA’s probes timestamping both outages to the half-hour. Russia hands out cash to loners for the “simpler job” in NATO countries so that others will carry a flag. Ukraine flies drones at Russian cloud and says so. Russian Railways, MegaFon and 84 Yandex Cloud services fell over as a side effect, which is what both sides are digging into right now.

The herd spent the weekend debating a Cloudflare chart, while rail investigations in three countries stayed open instead of landing on a likely perpetrator. Yandex lost its index, Russians scrambled for three days on the Cloudflare service, while Russian troll farms kept their hours on American hosting. That is what the data says, so far.

Better Off Dead Than Red Diesel: Trump Fix is No Fix

Diesel is $6.30 a gallon and the White House answer to go dye.

The executive order lets highway truckers burn red-dyed off-road fuel without federal penalty.

The stupid. It burns.

Red dye is the same petroleum diesel with the tax marker removed. The federal excise is 24.4 cents a gallon, under 4 percent of the pump price, and the order only defers it to year end with a request that Treasury find a way to forgive it later. State excise averages 35.5 cents and stays. State troopers keep their authority over red fuel on the road.

The order literally adds zero gallons of supply. ZERO.

CNBC quotes Andy Lipow of Lipow Oil Associates saying every administration lacks good options because the bottleneck is refineries. His fix is to stop war.

A bit rich for an Oil man to say there should be no war.

The bottleneck is a choice, that’s for certain. Way back 21 years ago in October 2005, when a Gulf refinery outage spiked diesel, I wrote that Rudolf Diesel designed his engine to run without dependence on foreign petroleum and the corporations controlling it. Two weeks later I wrote that the military should field vehicles without vulnerable fueling convoys following them around, and then that Green Berets already preferred biodiesel, with Camp Pendleton running its fleet on mess-hall waste oil. In December 2005 a Special Forces source explained the reason: a biodiesel tank can not be weaponized by an IED. In 2006 I reported the Navy mandated diesel as the less dangerous fuel. In 2008 my own car ran six months on a field-scale plant. In 2010 Yahoo! converted its employee fleet to a biodiesel blend and I drove an entire year in Silicon Valley using its cafeteria waste oil.

Biodiesel never enters a refinery. Transesterification of soy, canola or waste oil happens in a plant with no hydrocracker and no crude feed. I used to run it in my garage. The Strait of Hormuz sets no price on it. Every gallon displaces a gallon of the refinery bottleneck the analysts call unsolvable.

Twenty-one years of documented warnings and the federal response to record diesel in a Gulf war is a tax IOU. I’m not going to dye for this administration and neither should you.

Lipow says end conflict. Rudolf Diesel ran his engine on peanut oil at the 1900 Paris Exposition and predicted vegetable oils would in time matter as much as petroleum.

For two decades I watched Washington let the biodiesel credit lapse, ignore Pentagon innovations, and hand refineries waivers from the blending mandate, while the engines stayed hostage to foreign crude.

CA Tesla Kills One After Speeding Into a Wall

Police are investigating.

It appeared that the white sedan, which sustained major front-end damage, entered the parking structure from Ortega Street and did not slow down, slamming into a wall.

“Santa Barbara Police officers responded and immediately began lifesaving medical care for the occupants,” Lt. Ryan Dejohn said. “Within minutes, Santa Barbara Fire Department personnel and paramedics arrived and continued emergency medical treatment.”

Dejohn said one person was declared dead at the scene…

NYT Op-Ed 2026 Repeats Himmler 1943: “What if Writing Isn’t Central to Thinking?”

A philosophy department chair at Williams College argued in the New York Times last week that writing is separable from thinking, that essays persist because they are easy to grade, and that universities should have the courage to stop requiring them.

I’m here to write… (╯°□°)╯︵ ┻━┻

He tested the idea in one seminar for one semester, let students use AI on their essays, then examined them orally and found half of them more articulate out loud. From that, and that alone, he concluded the written record is dispensable. And then he somehow was allowed to write this into the New York Times.

If I were them I would have said “get a soap box, buddy and go stand on some corner”.

The essay cites Socrates and then, nothing. Every major thinker who has ever examined this question reached the opposite conclusion. All the written history is ignored by him, in an essay proclaiming thinking as independent from written words.

The long, storied, tradition he skipped starts all the way back with the Mishnah.

Source What the essay leaves out
Mishnah Eduyot 1:5 Asks why the minority opinion is recorded when the law follows the majority. Answer: a later court may need to rely on it. The losing side stays on the page by design.
Plato, Phaedrus 275a His own witness. Socrates warns of a technology that gives the appearance of wisdom without the substance. Read straight, that is the case against AI, and Plato preserved it in writing.
Hume, Of Essay Writing A wise man proportions belief to evidence. One semester and one professor’s impression fail that test. Hume spent his life rewriting the Treatise for readers who could answer back.
Kant, What is Enlightenment? The public use of reason, the one that must be free, is the scholar writing for the reading public. Speaking in a room to the people present is the private use. The essay has the polarity reversed.
Wollstonecraft, Vindication of the Rights of Woman The seminar is a room and rooms have doors. She answered Burke in print (Rights of Men, 1790) because Parliament and the club were closed to her. Her critique of “accomplishments” names fluency that passes for understanding.
Russell, Principia Mathematica (1910) Several hundred pages to reach 1+1=2. Some thinking exists only in notation and cannot be held in a conversation.
Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations (1953) There is no second stream of meaning running behind the words. The expression is where the thought is. A thought with no public criterion is not yet a thought. Writing is the public criterion.
Popper, Objective Knowledge (1972) We let our theories die in our stead. That requires the theory to be fixed where it can be refuted. Speech drifts and gets remembered charitably.
Buber, I and Thou (1923) The seminar is I-Thou and he has that right. Every Thou must become an It, and the It is how the meeting is kept so it can be met again. His error was letting an It that performs Thou into the room.
Arendt, The Human Condition (1958) Deeds are the most futile human things unless remembered. The polis exists as organized remembrance. The seminar is the deed. The essay is the remembrance.
Ong, Orality and Literacy (1982) Oral cultures are homeostatic. They shed whatever no longer serves the present, and no one can prove it because there is nothing to diff against. Literacy makes correction possible.

Eleven so far, still just one verdict. Need I continue?

Look again at the one and only thinker he did cite. Socrates in the Phaedrus warns about a technology that gives people the appearance of wisdom without the substance, that answers nothing when questioned, that lets a person recite what they never understood. He was describing writing, and he called it a pharmakon, a word that means remedy and poison at once. Every word of the warning describes a student handing in an essay from a chatbot. Cruz read that passage, agreed with it, and then let the chatbot into the seminar while banning the essay. He kept the poison and threw out the antidote to it. And the only reason anyone can check this is that Plato wrote it down.

The New York Times disgraced itself by printing a shallow opinion that attempts to erase the value of all writers before him. This sort of erasure and false “invention” fetish isn’t unknown either.

Writing is where a claim becomes criticizable, public, and durable enough to reopen. The professor calls it a portable, compact trace of mind that is manageable in a bureaucracy, and acts like that is a criticism. It is the entire case for keeping records.

His oral exam worked for a reason he misread. A machine reads what the student types and answers back, and it retains every word in a log the student never sees and does not own. The written record of that semester exists, held by a vendor, while the student leaves with nothing in hand. When the professor sat each student down and asked them to explain their own essay, he was testing what each of them had kept. The students who could answer were the ones who had argued with the output, rewritten it and made it their own, which is to say they had done the writing after all. The students who could not had left the record with the vendor and never returned to it. The exam measured who had kept their own record, found that half the room had, and the professor concluded that the record was the problem.

That’s completely backwards. Logic failure.

The argument against keeping a record is actually much worse when you put context around what the New York Times engages in by publishing this man’s completely broken philosophy. The anti-record theory also surfaced the same week in actions taken by the antisemitic politicians of Saxony, Germany.

The council of Heidenau, near Dresden, banned new Stolpersteine (Holocaust memorials) on public streets, on a motion brought jointly by the AfD (openly Nazis) and the CDU (closeted Nazis) political parties. A Stolperstein is a genocide record that is meant to be inconvenient and force thought. It states who lived where it is placed, when they were taken, and what happened to them, set into the pavement at the door they left through. If someone is concerned about stepping on them, the stone is in the right place and working exactly as intended.

The next time someone mentions Carl Orff, which a lot has been written about, ask them if they meant to say Maria Leo.

Who? Maria Leo.

Maria Leo’s Stolperstein, Pallasstraße 12, Berlin-Schöneberg. HIER WOHNTE / MARIA LEO / JG. 1873 / FREITOD / 2.9.1942. The NS in 1933 banned her from teaching because she was Jewish. On 2 September 1942 she killed herself rather than be deported by NS. The following year Carl Orff began drawing a salary from Gauleiter Baldur von Schirach for appropriating the Berlin music education tradition of Maria Leo and Leo Kestenberg. The concept of Orff Schulwerk was Hitlerjugend programs that excluded Jewish children. The Nazis had already paid Orff to erase Mendelssohn for being Jewish. Photo: OTFW, Berlin (CC BY-SA 3.0), via Wikimedia Commons.

Gunter Demnig placed the first memorial stones in the 1990s and nearly 130,000 now sit in pavements across thirty countries. The “stumbling” design is as symbolic as it is deliberate. When Jewish cemeteries were destroyed under the Nazis, their gravestones were often used as paving material. The Stolperstein forces that exact discussion of the gravestone being in the street as the Nazis wanted, unprotected on purpose, demanding more thoughts because of the writing.

The Heidenau motion argued in an antisemitic screed that pedestrians should not be allowed to stumble on the names of the departed, and instead those writings should be hidden somewhere out of mind. It proposed that future victims be commemorated at the memorial by the northern cemetery instead. The record moves from the place where people encounter it to the place where they have to go looking for it, and never will.

Charlotte Knobloch, who says she opposes Stolpersteine in Munich on the same grounds, called the motion a transparent maneuver by the AfD (openly Nazis) to suppress remembrance culture and said she was appalled the CDU (closeted Nazis) lent itself to it. The sincere objection was borrowed from the woman who had claimed she cared so much about victims of the Holocaust she wanted them tucked away someplace out of mind.

The council wasn’t just acting to erase the writing on the streets, they removed the record of who lived where by also removing the record of who voted how on removal.

The motion passed by secret ballot, thirteen to six with one abstention. Thirteen people. Unnamed to protect them from their desire to remove the names of victims. Names written out in public was secretly ruled too much exposure for the dead. Names on the ballot were too much exposure for the living. This is the same town where right-wing mobs attacked a refugee shelter over several nights in August 2015. The district responded with a blanket ban on public assembly for the whole town, and the Federal Constitutional Court struck it down within two days because it also silenced the people who had come to welcome the refugees.

Ernst Fraenkel watched the Nazi legal system from inside as a Berlin lawyer and described it in The Dual State (1941). The regime kept its statutes, courts, and files for contracts and property, because the economy required them. Alongside that it ran a prerogative state that overrode any of it at will, with nothing written and nothing to appeal.

Anyone in Berlin today saying they don’t want records kept, don’t want recordings made, observations written down, is invoking the fact that not a single photograph is known to exist of the deportation of over 50,000 Jews from Berlin, on more than 180 trains, over four years. Würzburg has photos. Amsterdam has film. Berlin has an American professor writing in the New York Times not to write things down.

The Nazi regime, foreshadowing this professor’s fetish, ended by unwriting its own history. In the East, Aktion 1005 dug up the mass graves and burned the bodies from 1942 onward. Himmler told his SS generals at Posen in October 1943 that the extermination was a page of glory that would never be written. In Berlin the Gestapo burned its Jewish-affairs files in the last weeks of the war, and name lists for the first eight eastern transports survive only because written copies turned up in the archive of the Oberfinanzpräsident Berlin-Brandenburg. The deportation record exists because the tax office kept a second written copy.

The New York Times forgets, as the Nazis intended.

Fascism works by removing records that let order be audited, wherever the record would count. A professor who finds records tedious is laying the groundwork for fascism to rise again. A German council that finds accountability embarrassing is acting out the American theory of the white republic, which Hitler himself cited as his model when he described the conquest of the American West and its reservations as the pattern for the East.