Make of this case what you will. It offers the facts as they stand today. A privacy company is implicated in extremist politics organized against the rights it sells, privacy first among them.
Opposites: A theme emerges that they are branded the “mole” company, a privacy leaker, yet they sell a VPN service. The co-CEO calls himself a libertarian anarchist, yet holds up royal families, the Catholic Church and the Order of Malta as his model sovereigns, with borders reduced to property lines where admission is sold or rented.
The record consists of the company’s own statements and the owner’s own essays. It requires no interpretation beyond reading. This is simple reasoning.
The Exhibits
A. Flamman, June 26, 2026. Daniel Berntsson donated five million kronor to Örebropartiet, 72 percent of the party’s annual income, the largest single private donation to any Swedish party in 2025.
B. Hacker News, June 27, 2026. Fredrik Strömberg, signed, states the donation is “not part of Mullvad’s values or mission” and offers refunds to departing customers.
C. mullvad.net, July 20, 2026. Unsigned corporate statement under the tag “Mullvad community”. Names no party, no amount, no platform, no surname. States “It should be clear by now how the party donation relates to this.” The refund offer is deleted. The company likens itself to a force of nature and to cryptography, operating with no human arbiters. It asserts that persecuted ideas sometimes become the self-evident truths of later history. It links to Berntsson’s personal blog for his rationale.
D. dberntsson.info, July 20, 2026. Four English essays published the same day as Exhibit C, on a blog dormant since September 2019 and previously written in Swedish.
E. Contents of the essays. Berntsson identifies as a libertarian anarchist. He defends the donation through the “transferiat” class framework of Allard and Kyeyune, naming welfare recipients and the public-sector middle class as the extractive enemy. He lists the sovereign individuals he admires: royal families, the Catholic Church, the Order of Malta. He concedes the party is unfit to govern and answers “Do I want ÖP to get a lot of power? No.” The word remigration appears in none of the four essays. His immigration essay reframes the question as border admission, arguing all parties already exclude 82.64 to 82.67 percent of humanity and disagree over 0.03 percent. His moral philosophy essay holds that ethnicity, clan, religion and nationality are irrelevant to moral concern.
F. dberntsson.info, January 2018. “Bygga en väljarbas”. Working immigrants are deported while welfare-dependent immigrants remain, closing with a Bergsjön district election result. The imported-electorate thesis, in his own words, eight years before the donation.
Findings on Berntsson
1. The label is false. His own text says so. His model sovereigns are monarchs, a church, and a crusader order. His borders are property lines where admission is sold or rented. The program abolishes public power and retains private power, which converts wealth back into rule. This is propertarianism wearing liberation vocabulary, the same propaganda that “remigration” performs on “migration”.
2. Intent predates the donation. Exhibit F establishes the imported-electorate thesis in 2018 and his 2026 rationale essay links back to it. Five million kronor was continuation, not impulse.
3. He knew. His own published ethics classifies ancestry-based exclusion as morally invalid. He funded a party built on it anyway, and wrote the ethics essay the same day as the defense. The record establishes knowledge, not confusion.
4. The evasion is structural. Four essays, thousands of words of justification, and the platform that caused the controversy goes unnamed. He substitutes admission policy for the expulsion of legal residents and citizens. A man who believed the platform defensible would defend it. The substitution is consciousness that it is not.
5. The disavowal convicts him. Funding 72 percent of an organization’s income while writing that you want it to hold no power establishes that he understands exactly what funding does. The sentence functions as deniability, drafted in advance.
6. The tradition is documented. He cites David Friedman’s anarcho-capitalism. The adjacent paleolibertarian branch built this politics deliberately: Rothbard’s January 1992 “Right-Wing Populism” essay proposed the alliance with the nativist right, and Hoppe’s Democracy: The God That Failed (2001) theorized covenant communities entitled to see dissidents “physically removed”, a phrase the far right adopted as a slogan. An anarcho-propertarian funding an expulsion party is that branch operating as designed.

Findings on Mullvad
1. The company reversed itself on the central question in 23 days. June: the donation has no relation to Mullvad’s values, and this is obvious. July: the relation should now be clear, after five paragraphs constructing it. The laundering ceased to be an inference and became stated corporate doctrine.
2. Non-involvement is refuted by logistics. A seven-year-dormant Swedish blog produced four English essays on the exact day the corporate statement linked to them. Synchronized publication plus corporate distribution is participation.
3. The July statement is an exercise in record management. Unsigned, anonymized, stripped of every specific: party, sum, platform, surname. The June statement carried a name. The company learned to leave fewer fingerprints, which demonstrates awareness of liability.
4. The refund deletion removed the one mechanism that acknowledged customer agency, replaced by a self-description as an agentless force of nature. The company disclaims human arbiters at the precise moment a human arbiter’s five-million-kronor decision is the question. Cryptography has no discretionary cash flow. Owners do.
5. The corporate philosophy now files ethnonationalist expulsion under ideas awaiting testing, with the persecuted-ideas-become-truth passage positioning the funded platform for future vindication. That sentence, in that statement, is an endorsement structure with the endorsement removed.
6. The danger. A VPN is a pure trust product; customers buy the owners’ judgment about what privacy is for. Mullvad’s owners have now demonstrated, across two statements and four essays, that their operative definition of privacy excludes its core function: protection against the state mapping populations by ancestry. Remigration proceeds only through exactly such a register. One owner funds the politics that requires the register. The other institutionalizes corporate neutrality toward it. Both statements, 23 days apart, avoid the privacy contradiction entirely, and the silence is the finding. A privacy company that cannot say a population registry is wrong has told you what it protects. It protects the owners.



