Category Archives: History

Elon Musk Calls for Armed Rebellion in UK, Yet Fails the Simple God and Chocolate Test

When British soldiers liberated Berlin in 1945, they encountered something both heartbreaking and illuminating: German children hiding in Nazi bunkers with weapons, terrified of the world, were unable to articulate what they were actually afraid of. These children had been indoctrinated through Hitler’s propaganda platforms to believe that Allied soldiers would kill them if they surrendered.

The battlefront solution, as one British veteran recalled, was surprisingly simple:

You put a bar of chocolate in their hands and it alters the whole war – as far as the children are concerned.

A Catholic priest who spoke German would calm these remaining Nazi adherents down, and suddenly the existential threat they’d been taught to fear dissolved completely in the face of basic human kindness coupled with overwhelming force.

This historical moment offers a crucial lens for understanding contemporary political rhetoric, in terms of parenting fundamentals, particularly Elon Musk’s recent inflammatory militant-like statements at a far-right rally in London.

Engineered Fears Lack Specificity

An AFD (Nazi Party) rally in Germany was headlined by Elon Musk

Speaking via video link to a “unite the [white] kingdom” rally organized by political extremist Tommy Robinson, Musk deployed weaponized disunity language that follows a familiar pattern.

Musk… told the crowd that “violence is coming” and that “you either fight back or you die”.

He said: “I really think that there’s got to be a change of government in Britain. You can’t – we don’t have another four years, or whenever the next election is, it’s too long.

“Something’s got to be done. There’s got to be a dissolution of parliament and a new vote held.”

On the face of it he is calling for an end of government. It is the most anti-unifying tactic possible.

And also note the overt ignorance displayed with “four years, or whenever” and “something” as his demand for immediate action.

Such statements of weaponized disunity represent the systematic deployment of rhetoric designed not to reform government policies or win electoral victories, but to collapse the shared foundations that make democratic governance possible.

Normal political opposition seeks to change who governs or how they govern within existing institutional frameworks. Musk’s call for “dissolution of parliament” bypasses democratic processes entirely – he’s not advocating for policy changes, candidate support, or even constitutional amendments, but for militant extremists to immediately destroy Britain’s elected government.

This call to arms mirrors the text of Golding’s famous novel Lord of the Flies, when institutional authority collapses, the result isn’t liberation but an intentional state of chaos that inevitably exploits anyone vulnerable to abuse by a small authoritarian cabal. Just as Ralph’s democratic leadership in the novel protected Piggy until the system broke down and constant violence took over, democratic institutions – however flawed – provide a framework within which peaceful conflict resolution remains possible.

Lord of the Flies, by William Golding. Russell Square, London: Faber and Faber, 1954.

Musk’s rhetoric encourages people to abandon safe protective structures without offering any viable alternative governance model, creating the very power vacuum that historically leads to authoritarian capture or societal breakdown.

The “weaponized” aspect thus lies in using democratic freedoms (free speech, assembly) to advocate for democracy’s elimination – exploiting the system’s tolerance to promote intolerance, precisely what Popper so clearly warned against in his paradox of tolerance.

This intentional abuse of language has in fact been studied extensively by historians of disinformation warfare (e.g. social engineering attacks):

  • Existential Threat: “Violence is coming to you. You either fight back or you die, that’s the truth.”
  • Urgent Timeline: “We don’t have another four years… it’s too long. Something’s got to be done.”
  • Vague Enemy: References to “the left,” “the woke mind virus,” and unspecified forces threatening British society.
  • Call to Extraordinary Action: Demanding “dissolution of parliament and a new vote.”

This rhetoric creates what security experts might call a “crisis of meaning” to bypass unity and falsely generate feelings of existential threat despite the lack of concrete, specific dangers that would justify the extreme responses being advocated. “They” are coming to get “you” is how bogus “caravan” rhetoric was used in 2016 to drive national security fraud (illegal redirection of funds) for Americans involved in the disasterous Maginot-like “wall” campaign.

Historical Basis in Today’s Nazi Endgame

The parallels between Musk’s rhetoric and Nazi Germany’s final propaganda push reveal identical patterns. After 1942, when military defeat became inevitable, Nazi messaging abandoned rational policy arguments for purely apocalyptic themes designed to prevent surrender.

The regime’s massive construction projects exemplify this delusional mentality. Structures like the absurd Boros bunker in Berlin were built by Nazi slaves in 1943 as “shelters,” yet it functioned more like an above-ground prison, where thousands of Germans were crammed to cower in fear rather than meaningfully protect them. The Nazi propaganda sold death camps as freedom, entrapment as safety, total desperation as preparation for victory.

General Erwin Rommel exemplified this tragic mindset of self-destruction – when given the choice between suicide or having his entire family killed in front of him, he chose the poison pill instead of a fight, telling his family he could not bear to live under Allied occupation while condemning them to it. This selfish binary thinking – death or dishonor, with no middle ground and totally devoid of care for others – became the genocidal regime’s final message.

German children were indoctrinated with binary thinking in order to force an unnatural and inhuman choice. Hitler estimated that any ray of sunshine at all would disinfect even the youngest minds and so the binary was absolutist: fight to the death against liberation or face annihilation. And this, when Allied soldiers actually arrived offering chocolate, fresh air and daylight instead of violence and isolation, the entire ideological framework collapsed instantly.

Again, the Nazi propaganda used known effective social engineering:

  • Emotional appeal (life or death stakes)
  • Timing appeal (no time to think)
  • Vaguery appeal (allowing people to project their own fears)
  • Absolute appeal (only two options, false choice in total extremes and driven by above emotional-timing-vaguery)

Musk Grew Up on a Diet of Hitler Propaganda

Musk’s rhetoric follows this template with remarkable precision. We know his Grandfather was arrested in WWII Canada for sympathies with Hitler, and fled to South Africa to lead apartheid. We also know from Musk’s father that Elon was raised in an environment promoting Nazism. It should come as little surprise that Musk statements still create a sense of imminent civilizational collapse while remaining frustratingly non-specific about actual threats or solutions. What exactly is the “violence” that’s coming? Who specifically represents “the left” that he claims celebrates murder? What concrete policies justify dissolving an elected parliament? Isn’t this all just like South African apartheid or Nazi German rhetoric all over again?

Indeed, as with Nazi messaging that terrified German children into taking up arms, this rhetoric again asks people to believe the Hitler doctrines to act on fear rather than evidence, urgency rather than deliberation.

A God and Chocolate Test of Our Time

The British soldiers’ success in Berlin suggests we know a powerful antidote to extremist messaging: persistent human decency protected by rule of law (or overwhelming force) that contradicts the propaganda narrative of fascism. When people discover that the supposed monsters are actually offering genuine acts of kindness, the entire fear-based worldview can collapse. Is the human mind open to receive help if being trained on imposed scarcity to react always in trauma mode?

The question isn’t about ignoring real political disagreements or legitimate concerns about social change, it’s about enabling safe disagreement. That’s why Popper describes the healthiest boundary development as an intolerance paradox, where ideas can be encouraged by flagging ideas of intolerance for restriction. It means recognizing when rhetoric crossed from political argument into known propaganda techniques that have been designed to bypass rational thought in order to cause intentional discriminatory harms.

Think of it as a test not whether someone is racist, but whether someone exhibits genuine anti-racism. Claims of population decline and “white genocide” from intermarriage, also claims of color blindness, are proto-typical proofs of someone failing to demonstrate genuine anti-racism.

The “chocolate test” for contemporary political messaging might ask: Does this rhetoric encourage people to see fellow citizens as fully human and deserving of human rights? Does it promote specific, achievable solutions? Does it allow for complexity and nuance? Or does it demand immediate, extreme action against vaguely defined existential threats, dehumanizing specific targets?

Breaking the Pattern

The children in Berlin weren’t inherently extremist, given that they were responding to a traumatic narrative that told them the world was ending and only violence could save them. When that narrative was gently contradicted by reality, they could return to being children.

The tactics of using children as weapons weren’t limited to Nazi Germany’s final days. After Rhodesia lost its colonial war in 1979, white supremacist forces shifted to covert destabilization operations in neighboring Mozambique, where British-trained SAS units supported Renamo rebels in a campaign that killed over one million people – 60% of them children.

These operations deliberately targeted schools and kidnapped children, forcing them to murder their own families before being used as child soldiers in raids against civilians. The psychological warfare under the regime adopted by Musk’s Grandfather was identical to Nazi methods: create absolute terror, destroy normal social bonds, and force impossible choices between violence and death. Over 250,000 children were separated from families, 200,000 orphaned, and half the country’s schools destroyed – all under the false flag of “protecting” civilians from the legitimate government.

The parallel is unmistakable: white supremacist forces consistently use children as both weapons and victims while claiming to be their saviors.

The same pattern appears across many conflicts, from Canadian General Roméo Dallaire defusing a child soldier with an AK-47 at his nose in Rwanda by offering chocolate, to Dutch children receiving their first taste of chocolate from liberating Canadian soldiers in 1945.

WWII poster by Nestle promoting their Type D chocolate ration. Source: Western Connecticut State University

I’ll say it again, that people drawn to apocalyptic political messaging aren’t necessarily lost causes. They’re often responding to injected anxieties about normal social change, regular economic uncertainty, or predictable cultural shifts. The challenge is addressing the many underlying concerns with concrete solutions and social science rather than exploiting them with fear-based mobilization. The Fabians understood this intimately when they responded to industrialization by laying the groundwork for modern data science.

As William Wordsworth wrote, “The Child is father of the Man.” How we allow outsized characters claiming paternal authority to speak to people’s fears – whether nurtured with artificial scarcity into extremism or offered surplus and conversation – shapes the society we’ll inhabit today into tomorrow.

History has already run this experiment many times. We know how Musk propaganda ends, just like he does and refuses to believe. The question is whether he can learn before he generates another global disaster of hate.

Many people struggle to articulate why certain rhetoric feels dangerous beyond normal political disagreement, so I hope to have provided some expert vocabulary and historical context to make the threat identification clear.

Famous picture of 16-year old Nazi “Volkssturm” Hans-Georg Henke upon his 1945 surrender to aid, humanitarian care and feeding.

Threat Assessment: From Charlie Kirk to Hamas’ Weapons Saturation Doctrine

Historical pattern analysis of political assassinations reveals there is systematic convergence in weapons proliferation doctrine across ideologically disparate threat actors.

My 2010 assessment clearly documented fifteen years ago the Israeli military leadership characterizing the Gaza conflict as escalation inevitability:

…a senior Israeli army officer is calling a war with Gaza “a question of when, not if”. The rearmament of Hamas is held up as evidence of new and greater concerns.

This followed my earlier 2006 analysis of asymmetric warfare tactics normalizing weapons integration within civilian infrastructure:

Grenade launcher beside a baby’s bassinet

Charlie Kirk’s assassination today eliminated a prominent advocate for ubiquitous civilian armament doctrine. His outspoken tactical philosophy—weapons proliferation in all civilian spaces including proximity to children—demonstrates domestic convergent thinking with Iranian-proxy terror organizations Hamas and Hezbollah.

How did we stop all the shootings at gun shows? Notice there’s not a lot of mass shootings at gun shows, there’s all these guns. Because everyone’s armed. If our money and our sporting events and our airplanes have armed guards, why don’t our children?

Cross-platform analysis reveals weapons saturation doctrine appears across ideologically opposed threat actors, suggesting tactical utility transcends political motivation. This convergence indicates proliferation strategies serve operational objectives (e.g. Palantir “self-licking ISIS-cream cone“) rather than ideological consistency.

Historical precedent from multiple security environments demonstrates inverse correlation between weapons proliferation and sustainable security outcomes.

National security professionals should apply identical threat assessment methodologies to domestic proliferation advocacy and international terror group tactics. Both seek to embed weapons within civilian populations using identical justification frameworks.

Gaza’s escalatory cycles, American frontier experience, and Civil War reconstruction (not to mention many other conflicts) demonstrate consistent historical pattern: sustainable security emerges through institutional control mechanisms, and NOT a proliferation assumption that increased armament creates increased safety.

Proliferation strategies benefit actors seeking systemic instability rather than community protection.

Americans (especially the USAF) frequently misunderstand there was no deterrence effect of dropping nuclear bombs on Japan. Their misunderstanding instead fed an endless congressional-military-industrial funding cycle of unnecessary technological complexity, which undermines agility and outcome-driven response necessary for sustainable defense.

Current policy environment demonstrates dangerous convergence between domestic extremist doctrine and international terror group methodology. Federal troop deployment in American cities represents identical disproportionate response patterns as Gaza operations—both driven by institutional capture by eliminationist ideologies following systematic democratic breakdown.

Policymakers ignoring these historical convergence patterns compromise the security of communities they claim to protect through policies that serve instability actors trying to force military dictatorship rather than protect civilian populations.

Charlie Kirk Killed With a Gun

Breaking news of more tragic gun death in America, as reported by the CBC:

“It’s worth it to have a cost of, unfortunately, some gun deaths every single year, so that we can have the Second Amendment to protect our other God-given rights,” [Charlie Kirk] said during an April 5, 2023, appearance at the Salt Lake City campus of Awaken Church. “That is a prudent deal.”

[…]

Moments before Kirk was shot on Wednesday, numerous livestreams of the event showed an audience member asking him how many mass shooters in the last 10 years have been transgender Americans.

“Too many,” Kirk responded.

The person said five was the number, then asked Kirk if he knew how many mass shooters in total America had seen in the last 10 years. “Counting or not counting gang violence?” Kirk replied.

Seconds later, a loud crack that sounded like a gunshot rang out and Kirk was seen briefly moving his hand to his neck before falling from his chair…

The victim was known for speeches advocating mass proliferation of guns as the solution to gun violence.

How did we stop all the shootings at gun shows? Notice there’s not a lot of mass shootings at gun shows, there’s all these guns. Because everyone’s armed. If our money and our sporting events and our airplanes have armed guards, why don’t our children?

Because everyone is armed? That sounds like war, and there’s a lot of death in war. The end of killing is denoted by the point where almost everyone puts away their guns. This was the real history of the Old West as well, not the fantasy version, as towns strictly banned guns to keep the peace.

Dodge City, Tombstone, and Deadwood often required visitors to check their firearms with the sheriff upon entering town. Literally the exact opposite of what the victim had been telling his large crowds.

Dodge City formed a municipal government in 1878 and its first ordinance, for example, stated:

Any person or persons found carrying concealed weapons in the city of Dodge or violating the provisions of this ordinance, shall be fined in any sum not exceeding one hundred dollars or be imprisoned not exceeding thirty days.

Tombstone had similar laws, and even the famous O.K. Corral gunfight partially stemmed from the Earps enforcing the town’s gun ordinance, officials removing guns to keep the peace after the Clanton gang (like Charlie Kirk) had refused to disarm in town.

Typical American frontier town sign banning guns, above an ad for health drinks.

Josephine Marcus Earp later recalled:

…in all our years together, he [Wyatt Earp] never described a gun battle to me. He considered it a great misfortune that he had lived in such a time and under such circumstances that guns had figured at all in his career.

Kirk’s argument that gun shows don’t have mass shootings because “everyone’s armed” reflects his philosophy that increased danger creates deterrence. This directly contradicts common sense and how actual frontier communities achieved peace, through regulation and control, not proliferation.

His tragic death from gunfire has drawn bipartisan condemnation from political leaders across the spectrum. This violence represents the breakdown of democratic discourse, regardless of one’s position on any particular issue.

The post-Civil War period, despite its many challenges, saw the end of the massive armed conflict precisely because one side laid down their weapons. Or, as the great President Grant put it:

President Grant’s tomb, so large the Statue of Liberty could fit inside, says it plainly for all to see.

Grant, the best General and President in American history, told us to choose peace over the escalation of armed conflict. Having seen more armed conflict than perhaps any American leader, his choice to memorialize “Let us have peace” rather than any celebration of military victory speaks volumes about what he learned from that experience.

Censorship to Song: How The Atlantic’s Poetry Emerged from American Tyranny

Let’s talk about deep historical currents behind a new book called “The Singing Word: 168 Years of Atlantic Poetry“.

Walt Hunter’s “The Singing Wordlands today, and it represents far more than a simple anthology of American verse. This collection of 168 years of Atlantic poetry embodies a profound act of historical continuity, a legacy that traces directly back to one of the most shameful episodes of presidential overreach in American history.

President Jackson Assaulted Free Expression

Foundational DNA of The Atlantic comes from the postal crisis of 1835 that helped catalyze the magazine’s eventual creation. President Andrew Jackson, faced with the American Anti-Slavery Society’s “Great Postal Campaign”—an effort to educate and liberate the South with over 100,000 prints of abolitionist literature—responded with what can only be described as state-sanctioned censorship.

For example, on July 29, 1835, the Post Office was raided in Charleston by a white supremacist mob calling themselves “The Lynch Men.” They seized bags of newspapers and burned them in a massive bonfire, along with effigies of leading abolitionists, before a crowd of nearly 3,000 people. But the truly shocking aspect wasn’t the mob violence, because it was President Jackson’s response.

Rather than defending the American founding fathers’ beliefs in sanctity of privacy in mail and the First Amendment, Jackson encouraged and inflamed the censorship. His Postmaster General, Amos Kendall, was ordered explicitly to arm Southern postmasters with permission to refuse delivery of materials they opened and disagreed with, arguing they had a “higher obligation” to preserving slavery in their communities than to federal law. Jackson even included condemnation of the abolitionists in his 1835 State of the Union address, calling American freedom fighters the “monsters” who should “die,” and advocated for federal legislation that would authorize postal surveillance and censorship of “incendiary” anti-slavery materials.

This was America’s big test in federal mail surveillance and censorship a precedent that would echo through McCarthyism to modern NSA overreach in Room 641a.

The Literary Counterrevolution

Jackson’s presidency by 1857 had ended two decades earlier, but the intellectual wound he inflicted on American discourse had not healed. The transcendentalist movement, centered in Boston and Concord, had watched in horror as democratic principles buckled under pressure from slavery’s defenders and their presidential enabler.

When publisher Frank Underwood approached the New England literary elite about founding a new magazine, he found a receptive audience among writers who had lived through Jackson’s assault on free expression. The Atlantic Monthly, launched in November 1857, was explicitly conceived as an anti-slavery publication that would provide what one editor called “cultural leadership” to counter the “cultural leveling” they saw as inherent in Jacksonian democracy.

The magazine’s founding circle reads like a who’s who of American intellectual resistance to Jacksonian authoritarianism: Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, James Russell Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and John Greenleaf Whittier. These were not merely literary figures—they were conscious architects of what they hoped would be a more enlightened American discourse.

Significantly, the magazine’s very first poem of national prominence was Longfellow’s “Paul Revere’s Ride,” which appeared in 1861. The timing was no accident: as the Civil War began, The Atlantic was deliberately invoking the Revolutionary War’s spirit of resistance to tyranny—a not-so-subtle rebuke to Jackson’s legacy and the Southern rebellion it had helped nurture.

Poetry as Political Resistance

The Atlantic’s poetry from its earliest years reveals a publication acutely conscious of literature’s political power. Julia Ward Howe’s “Battle Hymn of the Republic,” which appeared as the magazine’s lead story in February 1862, wasn’t merely patriotic verse—it was a direct answer to the Confederate appropriation of American symbols and a conscious effort to reclaim the moral authority that Jackson’s administration had ceded to slavery’s defenders.

The magazine understood what Jackson had proven: that controlling discourse meant controlling democracy. If the President could declare certain ideas too dangerous for the mailbox, then independent media became essential to preserving the “unfinished project of the nation”—a phrase Hunter uses to describe The Atlantic’s ongoing mission.

Contemporary Echoes

Hunter’s organizational framework for “The Singing Word”—dividing the collection into “National Anthems,” “Natural Lines,” and “Personal Mythologies”—reflects this historical awareness. The “National Anthems” section particularly resonates with The Atlantic’s founding purpose: providing alternative visions of American identity that could compete with authoritarian populism.

In his curatorial statement, Hunter explicitly connects past and present:

What emerged as I read was an optimism and realism—a sense that, however bad things are, the idea of America is worth fighting for, and worth questioning and scrutinizing in new ways.

This language deliberately echoes the rhetoric of The Atlantic’s founders, who saw themselves as defending American ideals against their political corruption.

President Jackson was one of the most, if not the most unjust, immoral and corrupt men in American history.

The anthology’s span from 1857 to 2024 encompasses not just the Civil War era that birthed the magazine, but also Reconstruction, the World Wars, the Civil Rights Movement, and our current moment of democratic stress. Each era has produced its own version of Jacksonian authoritarianism, and each has found The Atlantic publishing poetry that serves as both witness and resistance.

An Unbroken Line

When we consider poets like Robert Frost wrestling with American identity in “The Gift Outright,” or Adrienne Rich challenging power structures in her feminist verse, or contemporary voices like Juan Felipe Herrera expanding the definition of American poetry itself, we see the same impulse that drove Emerson and Longfellow to found The Atlantic: the conviction that literature must engage with democracy’s ongoing struggles.

Hunter’s collection thus represents more than literary archaeology. It documents an unbroken tradition of American writers using verse to contest official narratives, expand democratic participation, and preserve space for dissenting voices—precisely what Jackson’s postal censorship attempted to eliminate.

The Stakes of Literary Memory

The Singing Word” arrives at a moment when democratic norms face renewed pressure. The anthology’s subtitle, “168 Years of Atlantic Poetry,” quietly asserts the durability of institutions that defend free expression against authoritarian assault. By bringing together voices from Longfellow to Limón, including poets “whose work has never before been published outside of the magazine,” Hunter demonstrates how literary institutions can preserve and amplify voices that might otherwise be silenced.

The collection’s price and wide distribution through major retailers represents another form of resistance to Trump/Jackson corruption and elitism. While Jackson used federal power to suppress abolitionist literature, The Atlantic uses democratic capitalism to ensure its counter-narrative reaches the broadest possible audience.

Donald Trump’s favorite president: Andrew Jackson as father of the “white republic”. Historian Matthew Clavin: Andrew Jackson was terrible, and likely would have despised Donald Trump for being just like him.

In this light, “The Singing Word” becomes not just an anthology but a manifesto: proof that American literature at its best serves as democracy’s memory, its conscience, and its most persistent hope for renewal. The poets collected in Hunter’s anthology didn’t just document American experience—they fought for the right to define it against those who would narrow its possibilities.

From the ashes of Jackson’s postal bonfires to the digital age of “The Singing Word,” The Atlantic’s poetry represents 168 years of resistance to the authoritarian impulse, which once again is closing the door on American democracy. In our own moment of political extremism and media manipulation, this anthology arrives as both historical witness and contemporary call to arms: proof that the republic of letters remains a reliable guardian of democratic expression.


The Singing Word: 168 Years of Atlantic Poetry,” edited by Walt Hunter, was published by Atlantic Editions on September 9, 2025.