Integrity Breach at 100: What the New Yorker Won’t Fact-Check

The New Yorker employs people whose job is to ensure that claims can be substantiated before publication. In November, its parent company fired one of them for “extreme misconduct” that it refuses to describe, claiming there is footage it refuses to release, during an incident where he reportedly said nothing.

Jasper Lo learned he’d been terminated while attending a retirement party for the head of the magazine’s copy department.

He’d spent his career in the verification trade.

Now he’d been eliminated by assertion alone.

When the Fact-Checker Is Forced Into Silence?

This is not, in the end, a story about labor relations at a magazine company. It is a story about what happens when institutions that profit from accountability eliminate that accountability from their own operations, and what that elimination tells us about the hollowing of American institutional life.

The Unverifiable Institution

Condé Nast’s official position is that four employees, including Lo, committed acts so severe they warranted immediate termination. The company deployed the language of emergency: “aggressive, disruptive, and threatening behavior,” “targeted harassment,” “extreme misconduct.”

The available evidence shows union members asking questions in a hallway.

Two video clips, obtained by The Washington Post, document the November 5th encounter. About a dozen employees from various Condé Nast publications gathered outside the office of HR chief Stan Duncan to ask about the shuttering of Teen Vogue’s website. Duncan declined to engage. An employee followed him down the corridor, asking if he was “running away” from answering questions.

Someone booed when his door closed.

A boo. That’s the documented record.

The company says there’s more footage. The company won’t provide it. Spokesperson Danielle Carrig asserts that “most people recognize that the misconduct exhibited by union members wouldn’t be acceptable in any workplace.”

She invites recognition while refusing a show.

Lo’s union co-chair, Daniel Gross, called it “frankly embarrassing that executives would make baseless claims about a fact-checker.” But embarrassment requires shame, and shame requires an audience capable of imposing consequences.

Condé Nast has correctly identified that no such audience exists.

The Pattern

These “march on the boss” actions, the union notes, have occurred repeatedly in recent years. Management complained. No one was disciplined. Then, suddenly, four people were fired within hours of a hallway conversation.

What changed wasn’t the behavior. What changed was the decision to characterize routine union activity as termination-worthy misconduct—and to do so in language borrowed from physical threat without documenting any physical threat.

This is how institutional power operates in late-stage American capitalism: the rules remain constant while enforcement becomes arbitrary, allowing management to select which violations matter based on which violators they’d like to eliminate. The letter of the policy becomes a weapon retrieved from storage when convenient.

The four terminated employees now carry public accusations of “aggressive” and “threatening” conduct. Condé Nast faces no obligation to prove these characterizations in any forum with evidence standards. The NLRB grievance process means the dispute gets resolved through negotiation or private arbitration. The company can maintain its narrative indefinitely without substantiation.

The process is the punishment.

By the time arbitration concludes—if it concludes—the message will have been received by every remaining employee: questions have consequences; questioners are disposable; documentation is optional for those who control the documentation.

The Independence Question

Deputy poetry editor Hannah Aizenman located the structural problem in an internal email: New Yorker leadership either endorsed this firing or couldn’t prevent it.

I’m not sure which is more disturbing.

Both options answer the same question.

The New Yorker has operated for a century on the premise that editorial independence justifies its institutional existence. Readers pay premium prices for the assurance that the magazine’s journalism isn’t subordinate to corporate interests.

Editor David Remnick, through a spokesperson, declined to comment.

His silence is definitional.

When your fact-checker gets terminated based on unspecified allegations, editorial independence means you either defend him publicly or acknowledge you lack the authority to do so. There is no third option that preserves the independence claim.

Remnick’s non-comment is itself the comment: whatever power he holds, it doesn’t extend to protecting his own verification staff from HR.

The magazine is preparing to release a Netflix documentary on December 5th, “The New Yorker at 100,” celebrating its legacy of integrity and rigorous journalism. The timing is, as they say, unfortunate.

What Remains

New York Attorney General Letitia James appeared at a rally for the fired workers and announced she wasn’t “afraid to march into a courtroom.” There is no courtroom. The process is arbitration. The statement was for cameras, not consequences.

This is the American pattern now: the symbols of accountability persist while the mechanisms dissolve. Officials make strong statements. Institutions issue values declarations. Documentaries celebrate legacy. Meanwhile, a fact-checker gets fired for something no one will specify, the company that fired him sells subscriptions on the promise of verification, and the only tribunal with jurisdiction meets in private.

The New Yorker built its reputation as the publication that checks. It employs people who call sources, confirm quotes, verify claims. Its fact-checking department is famous—the subject of books, the model for an industry.

That department just lost a senior member to unverified assertions from management.

The magazine will survive this. Condé Nast will continue publishing. The documentary will stream. Subscribers will renew. The question is what the institution becomes now and what its transformation tells us, about the trajectory of an America that once traded on credibility.

The answer is in the silence.

The fact-checker didn’t speak during the confrontation, and now the editor won’t speak about the firing, and the company won’t speak to what actually happened, and the resolution will occur where no one can hear it.

This is how accountability culture ends. Not eliminated, but privatized. Not abandoned, but applied selectively. Not discredited, but revealed as another luxury product—available to subscribers, unavailable to employees.

The New Yorker at 100: still checking facts, except the ones that would embarrass power. The magazine’s own conduct is not, apparently, within the scope of its legendary rigor.

Some things remain above verification.

SpaceX Investor Appointed So It Can Run NASA Into the Ground

A SpaceX equity investor just took over NASA. The Senate confirmed Jared Isaacman yesterday, 67-30, showing bipartisan complicity in structural corruption.

Senator Markey:

Sometimes if it looks like corruption, sounds like corruption, and smells like corruption, it’s just plain corruption.

Isaacman made his fortune processing payments for SpaceX among others, then spent hundreds of millions he made (including from SpaceX) to buy flights from SpaceX. An obviously circular system of wealth generation.

And now? He has been injected as head of the government agency to award SpaceX contracts.

Markey tried to force SpaceX to release Isaacman from his NDAs covering the exact financial arrangements that made him unfit for the role. SpaceX of course refused because… corruption. The Senate confirmed him anyway because… corruption.

This corruption is some of the worst in American history? SpaceX has severe failures and delays on the Artemis lunar lander, the exact program Isaacman will now oversee as their NASA Administrator while personally profiting from all the failures and delays.

A buried lede in the Artemis II news from NASA (2026 moon flyby) is that SpaceX has been a disasterous and wasteful drag.

Remember how Musk told the world he would deliver Mars landings far faster than NASA could, landing ships continuously by 2018?

Source: Twitter

Isaacman can pour billions into failed projects to line his pockets until the auditors show up, and he jumps into a cartoonish villain’s spacecraft to escape.

SpaceX mission objectives – deploying satellites, completing orbital maneuvers, demonstrating reentry – ALL REPEATEDLY FAILED AT HUGE COST.

  • Satellite deployment: FAIL (door wouldn’t open)
  • Orbital maneuvers: FAIL (spacecraft started spinning)
  • Controlled reentry: FAIL (lost contact, uncontrolled landing)
  • Mission completion: FAIL (lost vehicle)

Repeatedly calling big failures a success makes accountability impossible…

When Jacksonian levels of “regulatory corruption” are complete, you see someone appointed whose personal wealth increases when he directs public contracts to the FAILING company he’s invested in, fleecing taxpayers.

The corruption is structural and designed into the position like making America the 1830s again.

President Jackson was one of the most, if not the most unjust, immoral and corrupt men in American history

Trump gives government agencies to financial stakeholders. Same spoils system as Jackson, higher stakes.

Donald Trump’s favorite president: Andrew “white republic” Jackson. Historian Matthew Clavin says as terrible as Andrew Jackson was he likely would have despised Trump.

The immorality of the appointment is the model.

  • He’s paid SpaceX over $50 million for Polaris program missions
  • SpaceX refused to release him from NDAs to disclose exact amounts
  • He processes payments for SpaceX’s Starlink through Shift4
  • Shift4 invested $27.5 million in SpaceX in 2021
  • Isaacman is keeping his ~25% stake in Shift4 as NASA Administrator
  • He benefits from BOTH his personal SpaceX equity AND Shift4’s SpaceX position
  • Isaacman reported “more than $5 million in capital gains from an investment in SpaceX”
  • That’s just the appreciation – the actual investment value is undisclosed and likely much higher
  • He did NOT divest this equity – Senate Ethics Committee said it wasn’t required

Mission success or completion ends the revenue stream, while delays and cost overruns extend it. As an equity holder in SpaceX, Isaacman’s stake increases in value the more money NASA pours into SpaceX failures, inverse to results. Successful completion on schedule actually REDUCES his benefit by ending the contracts.

That’s the perversity of Trump “success is not an option” mission culture.

A SpaceX equity investor just took over NASA to run it into the ground.

How Australia Enabled ISIS Massacre of Jews on Bondi Beach

Australian Intelligence Watched ISIS Cell Operate for Six Years and Did Nothing to Prevent Massacre

The 15 dead at Bondi Beach weren’t killed by unknown actors. They were killed by the son of a man who accumulated six firearms while his child maintained documented associations with convicted ISIS terrorist. These were associations Australian security services knew about since 2019.

Naveed Akram wasn’t a mystery actor.

ASIO investigated him for six months in 2019 after his close associate Isaac El Matari declared himself ISIS’s “Australian commander” and got seven years for plotting attacks.

Six months of investigation. Six months of red flags.

Naveed was “closely connected” to multiple members of that cell. The investigation of the ongoing threat was closed with a determination of “no ongoing threat.”

Then nothing.

His other associate, Youssef Uweinat, served as a youth leader at Wissam Haddad’s prayer centre while recruiting Australian minors for ISIS attacks. Got four years. Released. In August 2024, sixteen months ago, Uweinat was photographed on the Sydney Harbour Bridge waving a black jihadist flag at a protest.

Still nothing.

Naveed’s father Sajid applied for a firearms licence in 2020, received it in 2023, and legally purchased six weapons over the next two years. No mechanism in Australian law connected the son’s known extremist associations to the father’s firearms application.

The databases of father weapons supply and son extremism don’t talk to each other.

In November 2025, father and son flew to Manila, together, and declared Davao as their destination. Together they went to the gateway city to Mindanao, which ASIO’s own website identifies as a “target destination for foreign terrorist fighters“. They spent nearly a month in the region known for ISIS training camps that have operated since 1994.

No alert.

No enhanced scrutiny upon return.

Nothing.

Three weeks later, as a result of this militant training to kill Jews, they opened fire on a Hanukkah celebration with all six legally purchased weapons. ISIS flags were in the car, as could have been predicted. Their IEDs failed to detonate.

The question today is NOT how ISIS radicalized two men in Sydney.

The question is how an overt extremist network of convicted members with public protests, a known prayer centre, and documented youth recruitment operations ran for six years under active observation without triggering a single intervention.

Denying one firearms license would have prevented a father from legally stockpiling the weapons they would use to massacre Jews. Firing 4 rounds in 5 seconds from a bolt-action rifle is terrorism training that Australia enabled.

The cell wasn’t hidden.

The travel wasn’t hidden.

The flags weren’t hidden.

The firearms purchases weren’t hidden.

The Australian state failure was.

Elon Musk Targets His Own Daughter With Nazi “Womb” Attack

Musk’s formulation of “If you have a womb, you are a woman. Otherwise, you are not“, is the biological-determinist reduction that underpinned Nazi ideology about women.

Source: Twitter

The specific reduction of womanhood to a single organ, with rights of citizenship/identity derived only from reproductive capacity, is what Hitler used to do.

Elon Musk with Zilis, a member of his “white genocide” concubine operation who now manages at least three of his dozen or more known children.

Nazism overtly made biological reproduction the definitional criterion for women’s social value. Hitler articulated this view most directly in a 1934 speech to the National Socialist Women’s League (NS-Frauenschaft), where he contrasted the “larger world” of men (state, struggle, willingness to die for community) with the “smaller world” of women (husband, family, children, home). He framed these as complementary “battlefields” by stating that for women, childbearing was the equivalent of men’s military sacrifice.

The regime’s position, like Musk today, was explicitly biological-determinist: a woman’s entire value in society was tied to their reproductive capacity. The Nazis manifested policies like the Mutterkreuz (Mother’s Cross) medals awarded for bearing children, and the exclusion of women from professions, higher education, and political participation. The Lebensborn program flowed from womb-is-destiny framework, feeding into Lebensraum. The specific framing around the womb as definitional appeared in Nazi ideological texts more broadly. Alfred Rosenberg’s Myth of the Twentieth Century was explicit about the biological essentialism that Musk now promotes.

Musk’s 13 words simply compress this flawed and historically inaccurate Nazi logic. If he were smarter he would have used 14 words.

Gender categories beyond biological sex are the human norm: Hijra in South Asia, Fa’afafine in Samoa, Māhū in Hawaii, Muxe among the Zapotec, Kathoey in Thailand, the Bissu of Sulawesi, Mukhannathun in early Islamic Arabia, the Galli priests of ancient Rome. The womb-as-definition claim isn’t ancient wisdom, it’s twentieth-century fascism. Musk is promoting Nazi dog whistles as doctrine, and those nodding along are historically illiterate.

What’s really going on is Musk deadnaming his daughter and calling her identity a “tragic mental illness”, before invoking Nazism as why. He is calling her a failure in his master plan for a white nationalist concubine operation.

This is not a father making an abstract philosophical judgment about gender, he’s platforming hate speech to dehumanize his own child.

The fact that Musk recently posted that he does not believe Hitler, Stalin or Mao are responsible for deaths (because their “employees” were) shows that he does not take accountability for harms that he apparently intends to inflict against his own daughter.