The Venezuelan Profit Motive in U.S. Closure of Hormuz

The Strait of Hormuz was operational until Trump unilaterally launched U.S. military action against Iran to predictably close it. Why would America close the strait? I find many people still scratching their head, especially after Trump announced he would keep the strait blockaded if Iran tried to open it. He clearly doesn’t want it to be open, even as oil prices go higher and higher.

Oil prices directly hit American pocketbooks. But they also are being raised by a military disruption that costs taxpayers billions every day. This post takes a look at some causal relationships for all this cost landing on Americans, and how it appears to be a get-rich-quick scam by the Trump family.

The closure is the third such event in the modern history of the chokepoint. The first was the Tanker War of 1984 to 1988, in which Iraq and Iran attacked one another’s shipping and the United States reflagged Kuwaiti vessels under Operation Earnest Will. The second was the tanker attacks and seizures of 2019, including the limpet mine attacks in the Gulf of Oman and the seizure of the Stena Impero. The current closure is the longest, the most kinetic, and the first in which the strait has been mined as policy rather than as harassment. The actors are thus very familiar, while the new arrangement is not.

As everyone with a clue predicted, Iran executed its asymmetric strategy designed across four decades for exactly this moment. Mining the strait, attacking the Fujairah pipeline terminal, and striking shipping at the Hormuz approaches are all historic doctrine the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has rehearsed since the Tanker War. The strait is the one instrument over which Tehran telegraphed their escalation dominance, and it is being used as designed.

The American response, branded Project Freedom, is a deployment of 100 aircraft and 15,000 personnel that the Pentagon says is not an escort mission. Earnest Will, in 1987, was an escort mission. Project Freedom however is the language of liberation attached to a permitting plan. The forces deployed are being called sufficient only for a traffic toll booth, declared insufficient to clear it and return to normal.

Venezuela puts all of this in proper context. The third actor in the arrangement is the one usually absent from press accounts of the Hormuz crisis. Maduro was captured on January 3, at great cost to the U.S. taxpayer, and Venezuelan hydrocarbon production was forcibly passed to U.S. operational control in the same week. Venezuelan crude is heavy, sour, and capital-intensive, meaning the economics all relate to high Brent prices and not the low ones. It goes something like this:

Brent before the war $72
Brent today $114
Premium per barrel $42
Venezuelan output today 350,000 bbl/day
Premium at current output $14.7 million/day
Annualized $5.4 billion/year
Venezuelan output, 2018 peak 1.2 million bbl/day
Premium at 2018 output $50 million/day
Annualized $18 billion/year

The table lays out the operating subsidy for Venezuelan production, paid by every oil consumer. It appears at the pump in Iowa that Trump keeps talking about. But it also is in the diesel cost of a Bavarian trucking firm, and in the invoice of a Singapore shipping line, let alone all the manufacturing that depends on oil. Trump interference in Hormuz is driving the numbers up, in a way reminiscent of tin-pot dictatorships squeezing their populations before making a run for exile.

Marcos stripped the Philippine treasury and flew to Hawaii. Mobutu looted Zaire and died in Morocco. Ben Ali, Duvalier, all did the same play of extract while in office, exit as it fell apart. Manafort’s work with Somalia’s Barre, before advising Trump, is surely no coincidence. And that’s not to mention Manafort’s clients also were Mobutu, Marcos and Jonas Savimbi of Angola.

The Trump family is deep into Saudi LIV money and UAE real estate, making a $2 billion Affinity Partners deal via Kushner. Trump projects run in multiple Gulf jurisdictions, along with crypto holdings to escape American oversight. Trump is personally controlling Venezuelan oil proceeds through an offshore account in Qatar, with $250 million already awarded to Vitol whose senior trader gave $6 million to the 2024 campaign, and Paul Singer positioned to convert Venezuelan crude into refined product through distressed U.S. assets he is acquiring. It’s yet another pipe into the Trump extraction architecture.

As long as Brent stays above the threshold at which Venezuelan crude clears, the closure looks more and more like a very cynical Trump family business plan to pump, destroy and run.

Looking at how the other Manafort clients ended up, if Trump abruptly fled to Russia, Saudi Arabia or the United Arab Emirates, none of them would extradite him.

Speaking of the Gulf monarchies, they occupy a fourth position. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Kuwait need the strait to export their approximately seventeen million barrels a day. With the Fujairah strike they lost their principal alternative. OPEC’s announced production increase, of several hundred thousand barrels a day, contrasts against a wartime loss estimated at approximately fourteen million barrels a day. Riyadh and Abu Dhabi have thus become consumers of a security framework they do not control, from an angry “sitting duck” President they can’t depend upon.

European and Asian importers typically have been absent from the strategic conversation, yet they also fit. Japan, South Korea, India, and the European Union receive the price signals and pay it. The South Korean-linked vessel that exploded at the strait on Monday is one example. Nations declaring energy crisis and immediate pivot to other forms of energy is another. Denmark this month paused new grid connections after capacity requests reached 60 GW against a peak demand of 7 GW, with data centers accounting for nearly a quarter of that. The Danish framed a pause as their window to rewrite how large electricity consumers can abruptly demand supply.

Kpler reports 170 million barrels of crude and refined product trapped on 166 tankers in the Gulf, against roughly 900 million barrels sidelined since the war began. Kpler also tells us it could take at least three months to clear the strait once it reopens. The duration of the closure, the rate at which it is relieved, and the sequence in which tankers depart are now functions of U.S. permitting decisions rather than maritime conditions.

Treasury Secretary Bessent stated on Monday that the world will be awash in Trump oil on the other side of the Trump closure. If we look at history, the Tanker War ended when Iran accepted UN Resolution 598 after the destruction of much of the Iranian navy in Operation Praying Mantis and the shootdown of Iran Air 655. America strategically forced that conclusion. Earnest Will ended when reflagged tankers no longer were needed. The present closure has no comparable analysis, because resolution doesn’t actually seem related to the dispute between Iran and Trump. Instead, closure appears more and more to be a cynical Trump gambit to corner the supplies for a price at which a separate set of investments, in a separate hemisphere, becomes profitable to him.

On that math the strait will reopen when an artificially high Venezuela price no longer needs to be defended.

Just a theory. But if the dictator shoe fits…

Seventy-Five Cents Gets You an Anthropic Mythos Killer

I wrote a “marketing-trick post” on this blog to lay out the public record. It comes now with Anthropic researcher Carlini’s messages to me with confirmations. I have pointed to Calif.io’s four-hour Opus 4.6 exploit, AISLE’s eight-of-eight detection across commodity open-weight models, and the Firefox 4.4% collapse on page 52.

I also wrote a market analysis “cartel post“, a technical “Mozilla 271-versus-3 post“, an industry look-in-the-mirror “SANS amplifier post“, and the “Esage Chrome post” refutation.

When Carlini wrote in to confirm the parts that matter, I felt convergence toward my “boy who cried Mythos post” as the goal posts shrunk. What I had not done myself was run the audits.

Since Carlini’s point to me has been that their Mythos pitch has a split, it invites scrutiny of each part.

Discovery. Find the bug in the source. Anthropic’s own red team admits Opus 4.6 had near-zero success at autonomous exploit development, but Carlini and his colleagues used it to find 500-plus validated high-severity vulnerabilities in their February paper. That’s where AISLE comes in, confirming eight of eight open-weight models detect the FreeBSD showcase bug, one at eleven cents per million tokens. Vidoc reproduced it on public Opus 4.6 and on GPT-5.4. Steamedhams reproduced it in three generic prompts and found two extra bugs the Mythos writeup missed. Discovery has clear evidence of being a commodity, repeatedly being demonstrated.

Exploit development. Take a discovered bug and build a working exploit. This is where the 20-gadget FreeBSD ROP chain landed, the four-vulnerability browser sandbox escape, and the 181 Firefox JIT heap-spray exploits. Anthropic claims this as the novel Mythos differentiator, priced at five times Opus. Yet Calif.io built a working exploit on Opus 4.6 in four hours, which is exploit development on commodity inference at one-fifth the price.

Glasswing’s framing rests on the discovery layer being scarce, which it provably is not. So the question becomes whether the exploit-development layer defends five times Opus pricing, and whether it buys something anyone outside a high-priced consortium can verify.

This is an economics problem known as Akerlof’s lemons, although it’s inverted. In the classic case, a seller knows quality and the buyer does not, and the market collapses toward low quality. Anthropic has structured the market so that quality is unmeasurable to anyone, including the seller’s own external auditors, because the artifacts that would let you measure are not produced. The 20-gadget FreeBSD ROP chain has no public exploit code to review. The browser sandbox escape doesn’t seem to have any CVE, let alone a technical writeup, or independent verification. The system card itself says Mythos “worked with” the red team to escalate severity, which is human-assisted, not autonomous. The 181 Firefox JIT exploits exist as a benchmark number with no replayable harness attached. Mozilla rated the underlying bugs “high,” not “critical.” NVD then assigned 9.8, as Mozilla publicly disputes it.

That reads to me as if someone in Silicon Valley has a particular market design in mind. An opacity effect is desired, like their guarded mansion in a gated community. An exclusivity for the privileged is what is being sold.

At least that’s what came through with the latest inference quality complaints. Anthropic has acknowledged intermittent model-quality degradation on their availability/outages blog while denying intent.

We take reports about degradation very seriously. We never intentionally degrade our models…

A denial about intent is a red flag. It is not being honest about degradation. Quality is adjustable by the provider without disclosure, and the buyer cannot independently verify per-call effort allocation. This is the same information structure as Mythos, where Anthropic again positions the buyer to pay a premium for output that is opaquely controlled. That principle is better known as taxation without representation, the one that cost Charles I his head when he tried it with Ship Money.

Charles I on his way to execution, 1649. He imposed Ship Money on inland counties without Parliamentary consent and lost his head over it. (Image by Ernest Crofts, 1901)
Anthropic has not shipped the instrumentation that would let a buyer evaluate what they received against what they paid for, at any layer. Token waste and tainted outputs only increase Anthropic profit.

I got tired of waiting for better and open instrumentation to push back on monarchist management of models. So I built one, like everyone should. Same code from the launch blog, same public API, my harness.

Cogito ergo hackito.

Lyrik is built on top of my Wirken agentic switchboard. It runs the discovery and scoring pipeline that Mythos presented at the discovery layer. It does not attempt exploit development. The point is the price and the receipt.

Seventy-five cents. That’s it.

Lyrik is free and open-source on GitHub. I have laid out this concept in my talks and podcasts since at least 2018. The repo provides free caching, multiple agents, structured output, and a hash-chained audit log. Given the Anthropic system card itself advises Mythos was not as good as their earlier models on general work, I deployed Haiku-4-5 for recon and then radioed in Sonnet-4-6 for close support. I am a BIG fan of Haiku. Arguably one of the best engineering models. It easily handled recon, which made the Sonnet targeted bombing runs look generous.

Lyrik dropped eight findings in two minutes. Total mission spend: $0.745. I call that seventy-five cents because I’m all out of half-pennies.

Two of the eight matched bugs the Mythos showcase identified. The other six came up unverified. I am not claiming zero-days here, especially as some may triage out in the fog of false positives. More on that in another post later. Mind you, Lyrik is also model agnostic, so I can publish results within or across inference providers. I frequently use a TEE-based one, when I’m not running Ollama for the unmistakable smell of my hardware. Two TEE service provider options are supported in the current build.

The discovery side of the bill is now visible at commodity prices, with chain of custody. The exploit-development side remains the thing in the box you cannot open. Operators are paying five times Opus pricing for a layer that has produced no replayable artifact for any of its headline claims. The launch blog does not produce one. The system card does not produce one. Glasswing does not produce one. The July 6 report is a promise of a document, not of transparent instrumentation.

My cartel post made the obvious case that Glasswing is a private classification regime granting the largest incumbents early access to a capability while tainting disclosure timelines. Set that aside. Even if the velvet-rope consortium did not amount to being a cartel, it points at the wrong adversary.

If code is the asset, then whoever holds the inference has the asset. The Glasswing setup does not move that one inch in the right direction. The code leaves the operator’s boundary in plaintext, and the inference provider reads every line on their compute within a price-gated consortium. Anthropic gets your cleartext codebase, sets the timeline for what gets surfaced, and decides which consortium members see it first.

You wouldn’t pay five times market rate to send your source to your competitor. Have you seen who got seats in the velvet rope consortium? Microsoft. Apple. Google. Amazon. Companies competing against you. They are now inside the team that reads your code on the compute that runs theirs.

The provider has always been the threat. Take it from someone who spent years on the inside hunting and killing “unintentional” backdoors.

Lyrik runs on the Wirken abstraction of models for exactly this reason. TEE-based providers can give confidential inference, with a local proxy handling attestation before any code crosses the boundary. Attestation is no guarantee. TEE bypasses are part of life too. What attestation does is raise the cost of attack on the provider, which is the actual threat.

Every phase boundary, every model call, every prompt, every output block in the Lyrik run is hash-linked and signed at the gateway. Anyone holding an artifact can replay the run to verify the chain offline. It is not screenshots. It is not an “Anthropic says” play. It is not a 23MB PDF that uses the word “thousands” once with no verification chain for any individual or aggregate finding.

The PGP signature on the FreeBSD advisory exists for the same reason the Lyrik audit log does. It is an integrity check. The Mythos showcase has nothing equivalent at either layer. A finding without a verifiable chain of custody is mythology in denial of RFC 1305 and the lessons of Monty Python.

Wirken is at wirken.ai. Lyrik is a Wirken skill at lyrik.wirken.ai. Running Wirken 1.0.2 with an Anthropic API key and a checkout, the harness reads code on your machine, with a TEE-based LLM handling inference if you do not want the provider seeing source. Everything the run produces is offline and verifiable.

Discovery has been and is still a commodity. Exploit development is being pitched to us as unverifiable by design. Someone built a pricing model for access behind a velvet rope, not for a capability that anyone outside the rope can check. Anthropic is designing a market so the buyer cannot measure what they paid for.

Call that what it is.

No king, thanks.

No cartel, thanks.

No evil maid, thanks.

The key to facial recognition is changing it like your underpants

I just read an article that opens with the claim a woman can’t “reset or revoke the appearance of her cheekbones.”

…what if the woman’s facial information is stolen or misused? If a cybercriminal steals her password, she can change it. If they acquire her credit card number, she can cancel the card. But she can’t reset or revoke the appearance of her cheekbones.

Huh?

Anatomy is not authentication. Cheekbones aren’t the credential.

I feel like we’ve been over this before with fingerprints. They degrade, they change. They can be faked. I guess someone didn’t get the memo and thinks our appearances are binary and static, like a genetic marker. Dare I say there’s still a eugenics theme lingering in American perspectives?

My talk at the RSA Conference 2020. The woman’s cheekbone fallacy has a sibling in language tech. Swahili “yeye” is gender-neutral. Google forces it to be “he.” Overconfidence as vulnerability.

Simon Cole’s Suspect Identities documents evidentiary failures of the biometric industry. The 2009 NAS report Strengthening Forensic Science gutted the claim of fingerprint individuality. Brandon Mayfield infamously got jailed on a fingerprint match that wasn’t his, and doesn’t even get a mention in this new report. Ridge patterns don’t matter if the working surface of the finger is gone, worn, or chemically altered, which is exactly what happens with hands doing any physical work.

The vendor-specific mathematical template is the actual credential, gets priced as such, and is revocable. Templates from Vendor Alice don’t match against Vendor Bob. Vendors rotate their algorithm, making old templates toast. The research framework for this (cancelable biometrics) has existed since 2001, when Ratha, Connell, and Bolle published the foundational work in Enhancing security and privacy in biometrics-based authentication systems, IBM Systems Journal. Industry adoption remains uneven, which is the actual problem worth writing about.

On top of that I have to say that every day of every RSA Conference in SF, for at least ten years, I changed my appearance. Good luck finding me twice. It wasn’t by coincidence. I gave talk after talk about the simplicity of integrity breaches.

Parents also said they had caught their children drawing on facial hair in a bid to evade the technology. One mother said: “I did catch my son using an eyebrow pencil to draw a moustache on his face, and it verified him as 15 years old.”

RSA Conference research on breaking surveillance

A cybersecurity professor writing about facial recognition should know all this prior research exists. The fact his remediation section recommends a technique that defeats the opening premise is a real head scratcher.

What reads right to me is the linking-key argument. Faces aggregate identity across databases. That’s the well-known Clearview AI problem, the data broker problem, the data-extraction capitalism problem.

Adam Harvey named the practice CV Dazzle in 2010, but the underlying tradition runs deeper. Disguise in resistance movements, veiling, drag and queer subcultural face work, the politics of Black hair under surveillance regimes, Jewish assimilation pressures across 19th and 20th century Europe. Identity disruption through appearance modification is the prior art the professor’s framework erases. Shifts in facial hair, adversarial fashion, makeup patterns, and IR-blocking glasses sit inside that lineage, not outside it.

The threat model in the article acts like a static face meets a perfect camera meets an immortal template. None of those three assumptions hold, and the reason they appear plausible at all is cultural. White Christian American identity practice treats the childhood face as the true face, with adult modification read as deception or instability. Protestant investment in the unchanging soul, the passport photo as legal anchor, the LinkedIn headshot as professional contract, the absence of veiling traditions, the cultural prohibition on radical appearance change in adulthood.

The professor’s opening claim that a woman cannot revoke her cheekbones only reads as obvious inside the frame of the white Christian man. Cultures with stronger traditions of appearance modification, which is basically the rest of the world, reason better about credential threat models because they never practiced confusing the face with a credential in the first place.

The same frame shows up in justice system reasoning. “She’s an attractive blonde-haired blue-eyed woman, she can’t be the criminal, only the victim.” I’m seeing it all over the comments in a recent Wall Street lawsuit.

Racialized innocence and the cheekbone fallacy run on the same cultural operating system. To be fair it’s all relative, so we could talk about the variances around the world, but in this article we see the western Christian male bias output clearly.

New Nazi Database: Carl Orff Never Needed a Party Card

It was late April 1945, Munich. The Nazis had lost the war by the start of 1942 and spent the next three years grinding their own country into rubble rather than admit it. They had followed Hitler’s 1941 orders to kill as many people as possible, industrialized the killing at Wannsee in January 1942, and ran the death camps at full capacity until Hitler shot himself in a bunker. Germans never stopped themselves. The Allies stopped them.

The Reich’s last days produced an erasure order for Hanns Huber, a Munich paper miller. Pulp the cards. Destroy who joined. Huber sat on it. He did not refuse, did not warn, did not tell anyone. He just paused in a most German way. The Allies arrived before he started. Eighty-one years later that pile of cards is searchable online, and some say the story is that Huber saved them by doing nothing.

Die Zeit says it used AI to generate a more user-friendly interface for Germans to find their own NSDAP cards.

To be clear, what Huber did was not resist. He delayed. He performed so slowly that the war ended before he could begin. The German postwar self-image tries to call this moral choice but it is the minimum possible action that is grounded in an absence of morality: not refusal, not sabotage, not warning anyone, just avoidance of accountability. If the Reich had held another two weeks the cards would have burned and Huber would have a different story or no story. The outcome was contingent on Allied speed, not on his courage.

This German attitude even has a name in the historiography. Resistenz, the term Martin Broszat used, distinguished from Widerstand. Resistenz meant friction, foot-dragging, private grumbling, the preservation of small zones of non-conformity inside a system one continued to serve. Broszat meant it descriptively. It got received as exculpation. Every family had a grandfather who practiced Resistenz. Almost no family had a grandfather who practiced Widerstand. The numbers confirm this: the active resistance, the July 20 plotters, the White Rose, the communists who died in the camps, the Confessing Church minority, totaled in the low tens of thousands against millions of card-carrying party members.

The search engine containing 12m party membership cards shatters the illusion that few ancestors were active supporters of Hitler

Germans pass off the lack of action as mysticism and fate, justifying refusal to stop harm. Es kam so. Man konnte nichts machen. The grammar is passive because agency is being intentionally hidden. The piles of cards Huber sat on were never the full count of the regime. They are the count of the people who had bothered to sign.

Carl Orff is one obvious example, who remains as the face of Nazism without ever becoming a card member. He didn’t need to join the party to rise as Hitler’s music man, to steal credit from Berlin music professionals, or to write Carmina Burana, the work Michael Kater calls the only universally significant composition of the entire Third Reich and the regime adopted as the cultural anthem of the war and genocide that followed its 1937 premiere. Having no party card arguably makes his Nazi role far worse, because everyone knew he didn’t even need one.

He refused to help his friends and colleagues in danger, telling them he didn’t want to spend his political clout. Kurt Huber, the philosophy professor who wrote the final White Rose leaflet, asked Orff through his wife Clara to intervene after his February 1943 arrest. Orff refused and Huber was beheaded by guillotine July 13, 1943. Then after the war Orff sat for denazification with his own former student Newell Jenkins, as the assigned American examiner. Orff said he had co-founded the White Rose with Huber and Jenkins kept the plain lie off the official file but did not surface it as the disqualifier it was. Orff was classified as acceptable and kept working on the materials he had stolen, further cementing the lies, while his Nazi patrons stood at Nuremberg.

What a guy. No party card. But wait, it gets even worse.

Two Berlin Jewish music pedagogues built the framework for teaching children music that Orff took as his own. That’s right, the “Orff Schulwerk” claim is just Nazi propaganda, used to launder genocide. Leo Kestenberg designed it. Maria Leo built the demand before Kestenberg. When the Nazis seized power in 1933 they exiled Kestenberg and banned Maria Leo from work. In 1942, as Orff was about to pull a Nazi paycheck for her work, she killed herself rather than board the train to Theresienstadt. Orff took their pedagogy through the cultural Gleichschaltung that cleared its Jewish architects from the field. And even then it was Gunild Keetman who did most of the actual work, uncredited by Orff. He fed Keetman product into Hitlerjugend music programs built on excluding and dehumanizing the Jewish children whose teachers had created the original framework. Schirach paid Orff the monthly salary that Maria Leo deserved instead.

Who has heard of Maria Leo?

Maria Leo’s Stolperstein (stumbling stone) memorial, Pallasstraße 12, Berlin-Schöneberg. Nazis in 1933 banned her from teaching because she was Jewish. On 2 September 1942 she killed herself rather than be deported to death camps. Around that time Carl Orff began drawing a salary from Gauleiter Baldur von Schirach for appropriation of her Berlin music education concepts. Orff Schulwerk became Hitlerjugend programs that excluded Jewish children. The Nazis already had paid Orff to erase Mendelssohn for being Jewish. Photo: OTFW, Berlin (CC BY-SA 3.0), via Wikimedia Commons.

Not the people who credit Orff with the Schulwerk. Not the people who think it clever to point out he never carried a card. Maria Leo carried no card either. She carried a Nuremberg Law classification and a deportation order that killed her.

The US National Archives catalog made the NSDAP membership microfilms searchable finally to surface the millions who signed. These are the people who ended up in the hands of Huber, who delayed, and so we can look them up. However, these cards do not surface men and women like Orff, the faces of Nazism who served the regime fully without needing to sign.

The proper way to look at the archive, therefore, is in terms of Jaspers 1946 Die Schuldfrage. He distinguished criminal guilt, political guilt, moral guilt, and metaphysical guilt. The last one cannot be inherited in a legal sense but it can be inherited as obligation. If your family benefited from the regime, took the apartment, kept the position, inherited the business, the silence is itself a transmission. Refusing to look is a choice.

Mitscherlich made the clinical version in Die Unfähigkeit zu trauern in 1967. A postwar German family did not mourn because mourning required acknowledging what had been lost and why. Instead the loss was displaced into economic reconstruction and their children grew up inside the silence. The 1968 generation broke some of it, but obviously it didn’t reach people like Peter Thiel or Björn Höcke.

The descendants who did nothing inherited the pension, the property, the professional network, the reputation laundered by the Wirtschaftswunder. They also inherited the family story. The one where grandfather was a follower, or was forced, or was secretly opposed. The story was the asset that protected the other assets. Maintaining it was work. Passive on the surface, aggressive underneath, continuous across three generations. The current German climate of “what Nazis, new phone, who this” becomes the fourth.

The lack of access to the archive was a privacy regime that protected the descendants because the descendants wanted protection. They were not bystanders to a cover-up. They were direct beneficiaries and daily enforcers at the dinner table of silent reconstruction. Look around at the German monuments without names, the remembrance days without genealogies, using “never again” as a slogan detached from the specific families who did it and the specific families who benefited. The abstraction runs all the way into Holocaust education in the Gymnasium that never asks students to look up their own grandparents.

That is not and has never been anti-fascist education. It is therapeutic education for the descendants. In fact, the descendants do not have a privacy interest that outweighs the documentary record. The record is older than they are and the harm it documents is larger than their discomfort.

Have a look. When you don’t find someone, think of Orff, the face of Nazism without a party card. Absence from the catalog is not evidence of anti-fascism. Anti-fascism requires evidence of anti-fascism.